Lingvistica

Jammu, Kashmir & Ladakh - Linguistic Predicament

Edited by: P. N. Pushp and K. Warikoo
Himalayan Research and Cultural Foundation
Har-Anand Publications


Kashmiri Language:
Roots, Evolution and Affinity
- S. S. Toshkhani

Dr. S. S. Toshkhani Kashmiri is a unique language in the Indian linguistic context. It is analytic like the modern Indian languages of Sanskritic stock and synthetic like the Old Indo-Aryan itself, possessing characteristics of both and at the same time having peculiarities of its own many of which are yet to be fully explored. Linguistically, its importance can hardly be overlooked because, as Siddheshwar Verma has observed, it reveals linguistic strata of various ages-"Vedic, Buddhist Sanskrit, Pali, Kharoshthi Prakrit"1. George Buhler's view that it is of the greatest importance in the study of a comparative grammar of Indo-Aryan languages2 only stresses the obvious for preserving old word-forms and also revealing how new forms took shape from old bases, Kashmiri does seem to hold the key to understanding the processes through which these languages have passed in their development before assuming their present forms.

Grierson too appears to endorse the same point when he says that a study of the Kashmiri language is "an essential preliminary to any inquiry" regarding the "mutual relations of the modern Aryan vernaculars of India"3.
Vedic Origin
There exists a very strong evidence to support the claim that Kashmiri has descended from the Vedic speech or, as pointed out by Buhler, from "one of the dialects of which the classifical Sanskrit was formed"4. References are replete in Rig Vedic hymns to rivers and mountains which have been identified by scholars like Zimmer with definite places in Kashmir, indicating that the region was a part of the Vedic Aryan world - at least in the geographical sense. Linguistically too this fact is strongly corroborated by the presence of a large number of lexical and phonetic elements in Kashmiri that can be directly traced to Vedic sources. These include several words most commonly used in everyday speech in Kashmiri. For example, we have the Kashmiri word yodvay meaning if, what if, yet, still, nonetheless. This appears in almost the same form in the Vedic word yaduvay 5, the corresponding word for it in Sanskrit and Hindi being yadi. Similarly, the word basti, which in Kashmiri means skin, hide, bellows, is hardly different from the Vedic basti meaning goat or bastajin meaning goatskin. The Vedic word sin occurs as syun in Kashmiri meaning "a cooked vegetable", while the Vedic san appears in Kashmiri as son meaning deep. Again, the word vay which means grains in Vedic is used in Kashmiri in the same sense. From the Vedic root taksh comes the Kashmiri word tachch (to scratch, to peel, to plane, to scrape) and its derivative chchan (carpenter, Skt Ksh invariably changing to chch in Kashmiri). Several Kashmiri words have evolved from Vedic through intermediary Pali or Prakrit forms. For instance, Ksh. atsun (to enter), Pali accheti, Vedic atyeti. Similarly Vedic prastar, from which the Hindi word patthar (stone) is derived, changes through the intermediary Prakrit form pattharo to pathar or pathur in Kashmiri retaining the original sense of "on the ground" or "floor". These are but a few of the numerous examples that show how Kashmiri has preserved phonetic, semantic and even morphological elements of the Vedic speech.

It is perhaps on the basis of such overwhelming evidence that eminent inguists like Jules Bloch, Turner, Morgenstierne, Emeneau, Siddheshwar Verma and several other scholars have pointed to the Vedic origin of Kashmiri, arriving at their conclusions after intensive research on the actual traits of the language.

Phonetic aspects of how Kashmiri retains some of the most archaic word forms that can be traced only to the Old Indo-Aryan speech have been analysed at some length by Siddheshwar Verma. Citing word after word, Verma provides evidence on how Kashmiri shows contact with older layers of Indo-Aryan vocabulary 6. The Kashmiri word Kral (potter) derived from the Vedic Sanskrit Kulal is one of such words which he has examined in detail, taking help of Turner's Nepali dictionary. While all other modern Indo- Aryan languages, except Nepali and Sinhalese, have for it words derived from the Sanskrit kumbhakar, Kashmiri alone preserves remnants of the relatively older kulal, he points out, which appears for the first time in the Vajasneyi Samhita of the Vedas. Kumbhakar makes its appearance after the Vedic age (c.f.Monier Williams: Sanskrit-English Dictionary) and it is from this that words like Hindi Kumhar, Gujrati-Marathi kunwar and Western Pahari kumar have originated. Tomul (uncooked rice) is another word cited by him in this context, which, he says, has retained the initial ta of Sanskrit tandulam, while other modern Indo-Aryan languages generally have cha. For example, we have chawal in Hindi and Gujrati, chaul in Bengali and Oriya, chaur in Sindhi, chamal in Nepali. Retention of the original r in Kashmiri pritsh (Skt. prichcha = to ask) and prang (Skt. paryank = bed) are other notable examples, according to him, of the tendency (in Kashmiri) to preserve original phonetical elements. Kochchwu, the Kashmiri word for tortoise, he goes on to point out, indicates that the original word must have been kashyapa and not kachchapa as in Kashmiri. Skt. ksha almost invariably changes to chcha, e.g. aechchi < Skt. akshi, maechchi < Skt.

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Editor's note: 'ae' is used for Greek symbol for delta (lower case). A text editor does not provide a delta.
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makshika, lachch < Skt. laksha, vachch < Skt. vaksha and so on. The intermediary form derived from kashyapa, which actually occurs in the Vajsaneyi Samhita, must have been kakashapa, Verma suggests.

Arguing along similar lines, eminent Kashmiri linguist S.K. Toshkhani goes a bit further and suggests that Kashmiri may have preserved even some pre-Vedic phonetic elements 7. Citing examples, he refers to the Kashmiri words rost and sost which correspond to Sanskrit rahit and sahit respectively. Rost and sost, he says, appear to be older than rahit and sahit, and could be pre-Vedic as the change of sa to ha is regarded a relatively later development.
Grierson's views
George A. Grierson, however, holds entirely different views on the question of affinity of Kashmiri. Disregarding the overwhelming evidence that reveals its basic Indo-Aryan character, he seeks to banish the language from the Sanskritic family, preferring instead to classify it under the Pishacha or Dardic group, which, he holds, occupies a position "intermediate between the Sanskritic language of India proper and the Eranian languages farther to their West"8. Considering Dardic languages, including the Shina- Khowar group, to have developed from the Indo-Iranian branch of Aryan, he uses the cover term Pishacha to describe them and observes that Kashmiri too shares their characteristics and so must be grouped with them. He tries to shrug off the predominance of Indo-Aryan vocabulary in Kashmiri by attributing it to a powerful influence of Indian culture and literature for over two thousand years and arguing that vocabulary alone cannot be the determining factor of the classification of a language. "Kashmiri", he concludes, "is a mixed language, having as its basis a language of the Dard group of the Pishacha family allied to Shina", explaining that by basis he means "its phonetic system, its accidence, its syntax, its prosody"9.

Suniti Kumar Chatterji almost echoes Grierson when he observes that "the Kashmiri language is a result of very large overlaying of a Dardic base with Indo-Aryan elements''10. But neither Grierson nor Chatterji have heen able to show what this Dardic base precisely is or produce any evidence of the "over-laying". However, their conclusions have found almost uncritical acceptance by many, creating a confusion that shows no sign of abating and letting a totally erroneous view to prevail. It must be strongly asserted that Grierson's arguments and pronouncements are based on extremely flimsy evidence which has little to do with the facts of the language, and need, therefore, to be re-examined, particularly at a time when the very basis of his theory of Aryan immigration in waves is being seriously questioned. His classification of Kashmiri is overdue for rejection as seriously flawed and arbitrary.
Kashmiri and Pishachi
Grierson starts from a false premise when he equates Kashmiri with Pishachi and therefore with Dardic and Iranian, a theory that makes little linguistic sense and has even lesser basis in historical facts. His infatuation with this equation notwithstanding, there are questions which refuse to be exorcised. Were the supposed raw-flesh eating Pishacas actual speakers of Pishachi Prakrit? Were they and the inhabitants of Dardistan one and the same people historically? Both find mention in the Mahabharata and in the Rajatarangini, but in different contexts and as separate and distinct ethnic groups. Nowhere have their ethnic traits or identities overlapped or been confused with one another - something that only Grierson has attempted on the basis of far-fetched and hardly tenable evidence.

Scholars are absolutely not sure and certainly not in agreement about the linguistic features and exact geographical area of Pishachi. Yet Grierson in his obsession to separate Kashmiri from Indo-Aryan languages extends as though with a sweep of his hand the Pishachi and hence Dardic speaking region from the Hindukush to Goa11, assuming too much and interchanging the terms Pishacha and Dard only to create a mess from which linguistic research has yet to recover. And granted for a moment they are interchangeable terms in ethnic as well as linguistic sense, is there sufficient material for one to adduce inferences about the features of Pishachi and sufficient grounds to apply these on one to one basis to Dardic larguages and equally to Kashmiri? Was Chulika Pishachi an Indo-Iranian form of speech? For answering these queries all that we have to fall back upon is what the Prakrit grammarians have to say in this regard and the stray examples they have cited in their works, for of Pishachi virtually no record exists, the great Brihatkatha of Gunadya having been completely lost.

What we gather from Vararuchi, Hemachandra and other Prakrit grammarians boils down to but a few phonetic and morphological features with which Kashmiri has hardly anything to do. One of these is hardening of soft consonants in Pishachi as compared to Sanskrit, or the third and fourth voiced aspirated stops becoming voiceless and unaspirated. This process is nowhere in evidence in Kashmiri except in some rare cases limited to borrowings from Persian. Thus ga seldom changes to ka in Kashmiri-there being absolutely no possibility of nagar changing to nakar or gagan to gakan (examples chosen by the Prakrit grammarians to illustrate their point), nor of guru changing to kuru or gachcha to katsh. Sanskrit agni changes to agin and lagna becomes lagun (of Hindi lagna) the ga remaining strong and unchanged in initial, medial or terminal positions. Again gha is pronounced as ga but in no case does it become kha as is said to happen in Pishachi-megha > mekho is unthinkable in Kashmiri in which ghotaka > gur, ghama > gum and ghata > gati. Further, d at the end of a word does not change to t. Thus, Damodar changing to Tamotar, as shown to happen in Pishachi is absolutely impossible in Kashmiri. In fact, there are several examples of the final ta changing to da, as, for instance, in Skt. anta > Ksh and, Skt. danta > Ksh. > dand. The consonant is, however, mostly retained in Kashmiri in initial and medial positions while changing to th in the final position (rakta > rath, gati > gath, mati > math, prati > prath, shata > shath and so on.

Also, Sanskrit ja is pronounced as za in Kashmiri and does not become cha as the rules of Pishachi phonetics would have required. Thus, jal becomes zal, jana becomes zon, jangha becomes zang, jarjar becomes zazur and ujjwal changes to wozul. In borrowings from Persian, however, ja usually remains unaltered, as in jald, janawar, jurmani, jae:hil, jang etc. Of Sanskrit ra changing to la, a frequent phenomenon occuring even before the Prakrits were evolved, there are but very few examples, the tendency to retain it as such being quite strong. For example, rajju > raz, raksha > rachh, taranam > tarun, maranam > marun, patra > vaethr, mitra > myethir, sutra > sithir, mutra > mithir and so on. Final dha is pronounced as da, loosing its aspiration, but not as tha to which it changes as in Pishachi.

Morphologically too Kashmiri does not share any of the characteristics attributed to Pishachi. The ablative of stems ending in a is not marked by ato or atu, nor does the past- participle tva changes to tun, or thun or dun as Prakrit grammarians have laid down. Sanskrit tva invariably becomes it or ith in Kashmiri as illustrated by Kritva > karitva > karith, nutva > namayitva > naemith, mritva > marith, dhritva > darith and so on.

As against this none of the actual linguistic traits of Kashmiri, phonetical or morphological, can be traced in Pishachi, of which examples provided by the Prakrit grammarians are the only record available. One, therefore, sees little logic in forcibly imposing on Kashmiri features of a virtually non-existent language. All that Grierson has done is to gather far-fetched examples, mostly from Dardic and Kafir languages, and attribute these to Kashmiri, claiming that rare exceptions form the rule and pronunciation of a few words (Persian borrowings) represents phonetical tendencies of the whole language. A much laboured exercise, surely, but also gross misrepresentation of facts.
Is Kashmiri a Dardic Language?
Coming to Dard languages proper, Grierson's pet theory that these together with Kashmiri and the Kafir group constitute a special branch of Indo-Iranian can hardly withstand linguistic scrutiny. Georg Morgentierne rejects it outright by maintaining that the so-called Dardic languages are in reality Indo-Aryan and not Iranian. Their word-stock is mainly Indo-Aryan and so are their basic characteristics, he contends. Morgiensterne finds Grierson to have muddled the whole issue by clubbing together the Dardic and the Kafir languages into one single group, and so he is not inclined on the basis of his own research to accept Grierson's views. "I am unable to share these views", he observes. "The Dardic languages, in contradistinction to the Kafir group, are of pure IA (Indo-Aryan) origin and go back to a form of speech closely resembling Vedic''12.

Endorsing Morgenstierne's observations, Emeneau adds that these (Dardic) languages are Indo-Aryan but they did not pass through the MIA (Middle Indo-Aryan) development represented by the records, while on the other hand the Kafir languages (Kati, Waigali, Ashkun, Prasun and to some extent Dameli) may occupy some sort of special position"13. With Jules Bloch and Burrow too taking the line that the Dardic (Shina-Khowar group) languages have Indo-Aryan characteristics while the Kafir group may have Iranian affiliations, there is no justification for applying a different yardstick to Kashmiri. Kashmiri too is just as much Indo- Aryan as, say, Shina to which Grierson finds it allied. By confusing Pishachi with Dardic and Dardic with Kafir speeches and all these in turn with Kashmiri, Grierson has botched up the whole question of affiliation.

We find him going to absurd lengths in trying to establish that Kashmiri has close affinity with Shina, shutting himself out from facts and displaying on]y a superficial knowledge of Dardic phonetic and morphological systems. Ironically, while he rejects vocabulary as the determining factor in the matter of linguistic classification, he starts with using this very factor as a proof for his conclusions. Of the 128 Shina words he has listed for having cognate forms in Kashmiri 14, more than 107 are unmistakably of Sanskrit origin-a fact that he chooses to conceal. Let us have a look at some of these:


English Shina Kashmiri Sanskrit
acid churko tsok chukra
after phatu pati pashchat
army sin sina sena
aunt pafi (Hindi fufi) poph pitushvasr
autumn sharo harud sharad
be bo- bov bhu
beard dei daer danshtrika
between maji (Pkt. majjh, Hindi manjh) manz madhya
blue nilo (Hindi nila) nyul nila
Bone atoi aedij asthi
bow danu duny dhanush
break put phut sphot
cold shidalo shital (the actual Kashmiri word is 'shihul') shital
cow go gav gau, gav
dance nat nats nrtya
day dez doh divas
death maren mara (marun) maranam
dog shu hun shun or shwan
dry shuko (Hindi sukha) hokh shushka
ear kon kan karna
eat ko- khe khad
escape much mwkal much, mukti
face mukh mwkh mukham
far dur dur duram
feet pa pad pada
finger agul ongijy anguli
fortnight pach pachh paksha
give di (the actual word is doiki) di dada
gold son swan swarna
grape jach dachh draksha
hand hat athi hasta
leaf (of a tree) pato (Hindi 'pat') patir patra
learn sich (Hindi sikh) hechh shikasha
lip onti wuth oshtha
man manuzho mohnyuv manushya
meat mos maz mamsa
milk dut dwd dugdha
naked nanno non nagna
name nam nav nama
new nowu nov nava
night rati rat(h) ratri
old prono pron puranam
plough hal ala- hala
receive lay lab- labh
right dashino dachhin dakshina
rise uth woth utishtha
sand sigel syakh sikta
seed bi byol bijam
silver rup rop(h) raupya
sing gai gyav- gayanaga
smoke dum dh dhuma
smooth pichhiliko pishul pichhala
sweet moro modur madhuram
today acho az adya
tongue jip (Hindi jibh) zyav jivha
tooth don dand dantah
vein nar nar nadi
village girom gam (Pkt. gamo) gramah
weep ro- riv- rodan/ruv
woman chai triy stri
write lik- lekh likha
yes awa ava ava

The Sanskrit Factor
It will not be difficult to see from these examples selected at random by Grierson that it is not the Dardic connection that binds Kashmiri and Shina but the affiliation of both to Sanskrit or the Old Indo-Aryan upon which they draw as the basic source for their vocabulary. Many of these, as Grierson hirmself admits, have cognate forms in other Indian languages too because of the Sanskrit factor and, therefore, these do not show any exclusive linkage between Kashmiri and Shina. It can also be easily marked that phonetic systems of the two languages operate along entirely different lines. The presence of one or two Shina loan words in Kashmiri does not go to prove anything for, as T. Graham Bailey has clearly pointed out, Shina in turn, particularly in its Guresi and Tileli dialects, has been influenced considerably by Kashmiri. The fact is that Dardic languages have borrowed heavily from Urdu/Hindi and Punjabi and have some singificant morphological similarities with these North Indian languages, while with Kashmiri they have practically none.

Contrary to what is generally believed, there are wide differences between the linguistic traits of Kashmiri and Shina, too fundamental to be ignored. Proceeding one by one according to the criteria set up by Grierson himself for affiliation, let us see how tenable the arguments in support of grouping Kashmiri with Shina as a representative language of the Dardic group are. But before that let us have a look at some of the lexical and morphological similarities that link the Dardic speeches with other modern Indo-Aryan languages. These will be found to be of more than casual interest. Here are some lexical items from Shina and their corresponding Hindi equivalents.


Shina Hindi English
agar angar a live coal, cinder, spark
agut angutha thumb
ashatu ashakt powerless, helpless
ash ashru, ansu a tear
bago bhag part, portion, division
bar var husband
baris baras year
bachhari bachhri female calf
bish vis (note the cerebrals) poison
biz khiti fear
burizoiki burna to dip, be immersed
charku charkha a spinning wheel
chilu chir cloth
choritu chor thief
chushoiki chusna to suck
dugunia dugna double
dut dudh milk
eklu akela alone
gant (note the cerebral) ghanta hour
gur gur molasses
halizi haldi turmeric
hanz hans a swan
hiu hiya heart
jaru jara- old age
jinu jivit, jina alive/to live
kali kalah-kari querrelsome
kriye kiri anant
khen kshan an instant, glamoment
lash ajja shame
manuk mendhak a frog
manu manushya, manav a man
mos mans meat, flesh
musharu mishra mixed
mushtake mushti, mutthi fist
on anna grain, food
paku pakka ripe
pochi poti grand-daughter
rog rog disease
rong rang colour
sand sand a bull
sheur shvasur, sasur father-in-law
sheu shvet white
shing sing, shring horn
shish shis head
sioki sina to stitch, sew
tal tal bottom
teru terha crooked, bent
jo jo which, who that

These are but a few examples that should be sufficient to give an inkling of, how lexical items in both the languages are derived from a common source. The similarity extends to other features also. For instance, pronomial forms (first person-singular) in Shina closely resemble the corresponding Hindi, Urdu and Punjabi pronouns. The same is true of adverbs of place and of conjunctions, most of which appear to be borrowings from these languages. The Shina auxiliary and substantive verb-forms hanus, hanu, hane, haniek bear an amazing similarity to Hindi hun, hai, hain, honge. If that is the case, are we to conclude that Hindi too is a Dardic language?
Kashmiri and Shina: Phonetic Dissimilarities:
Let us go back to the dissimilarities between Kashmiri and the Dardic languages and start from their phonetic features. Though too glaring, these have never been highlighted. Some of the important differences are as follows. (1) The peculiar Kashmiri vowel sounds ae ae: i and i: do not occur in Shina and other Dardic languages, nor does Kashmiri share with them its umlaut system or "consonantal epenthesis under influence of a following vowel". In turn Kashmiri does not follow the short, very short, long, half- long vowel system of Dardic languages. (2) Almost all nasals occurring in the old Indo-Aryan exist in Shina, including the cerebral n, Kashmiri has only n and m. (3) Dardic languages have the sibllant cerebral s, Kashmiri has not. (4) Existence of two sets of so-called palatal letters, both fricatives and stops, is a marked features of Shina, while Kashmiri like other Indo-Aryan languages has only one- the fricates sh, and z and zh do not occur in it nor does cerebral j. (5) Like most modern Indian languages the cerebral letters t, d, r and n are an intrinsic part of Shina, but Kashmiri does not have n and r., the latter being used in the rural dialect only in place of r. (6) In Shina the position of the half-vowel y is very weak and often approaches e; in Kashmiri y is strong in initial, medial and terminal positions.

There is a great divergence in the phonetic changes that words of Sanskritic stock undergo in Kashmiri and in Shina. Sanskrit s and sa almost invariably change to ha' in Kashmiri, but in Dardic languages this phenomenon seldom occurs. Some examples: Sanskrit sharad, Shina sharo, Kashmiri harud; Skt. shun Sh shun, Ksh. hun; Skt. shikasha Sh. sich, Ksh hech, Skt. shrnkhala Sh. shangal, Ksh. h:nkal; skt. shushka Sh. shuko, Ksh. hokh; Skt. vis Sh. bish Ksh. veh; Skt. shakti Sh. shat, Ksh. hekat. Initial h chances to a in Kashmiri, but is generally retained in Dardic: Skt. hasta, Ksh ath, Sh. hat; Skt. hamsa, Ksh. anz Sh. hanz; Sanskrit tr changes to cho, in Shina while in Kashmir it is generally preserved: Skt. stri Sh. chei, Ksh. triy; Skt. trini Sh che. Ksh tre; Skt. jamatr Sh. zamoch. Sanskrit dr changes to z in Shina, where as in Kashmiri the d of the compound consonant is generally preserved: Sh. heridra, Sh. halizi, Ksh. ledir, Skt. draksha zach. Ksh. dachh. Sanskrit bhr also changes to z in Shina, but not in Kashmiri: Skt. bhratr Sh. za (cf. Panjabi bhra), Ksh. boy. In Shina, as in several Indian languages, Sanskrit v becomes 'b', but in Kashmiri its position is generally strong. Skt. vish Sh. bish, Ksh. veh; Skt. vatsa Sh. batshar (c.f. Hindi bachra). Ksh. votshh. Terminal b, in Shina tends to become p and terminal d is pronounced as t in words of Persian or Sanskrit origin; gulab > gulap, garib > garlp, jibh > jip faulad > fulat. This is rarely the case in Kashmiri.

That should be enough to blast the myth that the Kashmiri phonetic system is allied to that of Shina. The fact is that phonetically Shina has little to do with Kashmiri, though it has features that can be found in Hindi/Urdu and Punjabi. Grierson has unfortunately chosen to give selective, distorted and misleading information by taking words- from Dardic and Kafir speeches and even from the so-called Siraji and other supposed dialects of Kashmiri.
Morphological Differences
We find the same process of falsification of facts repeated when we come to morphological features. Grierson has kicked so much dust about these-accidence and syntax and so on-that it would be worthwhile to examine in brief some of the important ways in which these features differ in the two languages15:

(1) Shina has two sets of accusative-the first after transitive verbs in general and the second after verbs of striking (with hand, stick, knife etc.), the nominative having the same form as the Ist accusative.

(2) The genetive in Shina is formed by adding the suffix- ei or -ai in Kashmiri post positions. un and iny and n and ni are added to the dative for masculine and feminine, singular and plural proper nouns relating to human beings, uk and iky and ich and ichi in case of inanimate objects. For nouns other than proper names hund or sund, hindy or sindy in case of masculine singular and plural and hinz and sinz and hinzi or sinzi in case of feminine singular and plural nouns are added.

(3) Shina has a prepositional case to be used after most prepositions, Kashmiri has no prepositional case.

(4) In Shina separate suffixes -r and -zh are used to denote in and on or upon in the locative.

Examples:

(i) ai disher (in that place); hier, in (my, his, your) heart.

(ii) mecizh, generally used with azhe, as mecezh azhe, upon the table;

(iii) anu manuzezh (it ibareh nush, I have no faith in this man.

In Kashmiri locative is formed by using postpositions like andar, tal, dur, kyath, nyabar, pyath etc. with the dative case.

(5) Pronouns in Shina are mostly of the Hindi/Urdu, Panjabi type, except the nominative and agentive plural of Ist person masc. be, bes which appear to be influenced by Kashmiri. Only pronouns in the 3rd person have a feminine in singular. The most important difference is that unlike Kashmiri there are no regular indefinite and relative pronouns in Shina.

The interrogative pronoun is commonly used in their place especially in negative clauses. For example:

(i) ko, (who): ko mush, there was no one, mutu ko (someonel

(ii) jeh (what): jega nush, (nothing at all), mutu jek (something else).

(iii) kos thai buti daulat naye gub (the man who lost all your wealth), main jek daulat haniek, (whatever wealth there may be of mine).

6. In Kashmiri adjectives are declined and agree with the noun in gender, number and case. In Shina only adjectives ending in -u are declined, and these agree with the noun in gender and number only, not in case. Other adjectives are not declined and are treated as nouns.

7. There are no forms for the comparative and superlative in Shina. These are expressed by means of the preposition jo or zho, (from, than). Thus: chunu, small: mojo chunu, smaller than, but, e jo chunu: smaller than all i.e., smallest. In Kashmiri the comparative and superlative are formed by using khwoti and sariviy khwoti respectively.

8. Numerals in Shina are counted by twenties or scores, though there are words for hundred, thousand and lakh (the last two have been borrowed from Hindi/ Urdu). To form numbers beyond twenty the conjunctive particle ga is added to it. For example bi(h), twenty: biga ek, twenty and one or twenty one; bi ga dai, twenty and ten or thirty; dibyo ga che, two-twenty and three or forty three and so on. In Kashmiri cardinals are formed as in other modern Indo-Aryan languages - akavuh, twenty one; trih, thirty, tsatji, forty, teyitae:ji forty three and soon.

9. Cardinal numbers in Kashmiri are declined in agreement with their nouns. In Shina, they are declined only when used by themselves as nouns, not otherwise.

10. Ordinals in Kashmiri are formed by adding the suffix -m or -yum to the cardinal, whereas in Shina ordinals after pumuko or 'the first' are formed by adding - mono and -mone in masc. singular, and plural and -moni and -monye in fem. singular and plural respectively.

11. Like Hindi/Urdu and Panjabi, noun of agency is formed in Kashmiri by adding vol (Hindi vala) in masculine and vajyen (vali) in feminine singular. This is not the case in Dardic languages. In Shina, the auxiliary verb is used to express the idea. For instance, Ek achi hanu musha hanu, one eye is man is, a one- eyed man; shei jakur hani chei hani, white hair is woman is, a white-haired woman.

12. In Shina verbs most commonly used are thoiki (ta do) boiki (to be) and doiki (to give). Boiki and thoiki are correlative verbs used with the same nouns or adjectives to form intransitive and transitive verbs respectively. This is not the case with the corresponding verbs karun, asun and dyun in Kashmiri.

13. Pronominal suffixes are a prominent feature of Kashmiri, but they rarely occur in Dardic languages.

14. The present tense in Kashmiri is formed by the auxiIiary verb chhu and its various masculine and feminine forms. In Shina auxiliary forms hanus, hane, hanu, haniek etc. are used which bear a similarity to hun, hai, hain, honge etc. It must be stated that substantive verb forms based on the root chha occur in many Indian languages, but not in Dardic languages.

15. There is no ordinary way to express the idea of continuance in Shina. While in some cases the word hel is employed to indicate habit, the conception underlying the Kashmiri bi osus khyavan (I was eating), bi gos khyavan, (I went on eating), su rud vuchha-n, (he kept looking) etc. is not expressed in everyday speech in Shina.

Kashmiri differs from Dardic languages in numerous other ways, all of which cannot be recounted here for want of space. A few similarities there may be, but these are mainly because of the Sanskrit factor common to Indo-Aryan languages. In view of such overwhelming evidence that separates Kashmiri from the Dardic group in such important aspects as phonetics and accidence, the assertion that Kashmiri possesses nearly all the features that are peculiar to Dardic and in which Dardic agrees with Eranian" looks preposterous. It is difficult to believe, yet it is true that Grierson has gone to the extent of distorting linguistic facts and making false and misleading statments- a case of suppresso veri and suggesto falsi- in his desperate attempt to procure evidence for his pet theory. A glaring example of the tendency on his part can be seen in his suggestion that all basic Kashmiri numerals are Dardic and therefore Eranian in spite of their obvious development from the old- Indo-Aryan, or the "Pali-Sanskrit" pattern to use Siddeshwar Verma's words Similarly, it is a known fact that Kashmiri borrowed the Persian poetic forms like the Ghazal and Masnavi and the metre Bahar-e-Hajaz in the 19th century, but it is the Vakh and the Shruk that are considered to be the representative Kashmiri metres. How does this lead to the conclusion that Kashmiri metrology is basically Iranian? Fifteenth century Kashmiri works Banasur Katha and Sukh Dukh Charit have employed well-known Sanskrit metres, which have contributed primarily to the evolution of vatsun or the Kashmiri short lyric, and also some original Kashmiri metres like Thaddo and Phuro. These facts are too signiticant to be overlooked.
Kashmiri a Sanskritic Language
Just because Kashmiri is different in some ways from languages like Hindi and Gujrati, does it make linguistic sense to exclude it altogether from the Indo-Aryan family? How strong its affinities are with this family is revealed by its basic word-stock, or, to put it in Grierson's own words, "the commonest words-the words that are retained longest in any language, however mixed, and seldom borrowed". Surely words relating to parts of the body 'physical states and conditions names of close relatives, animals and bids, edibles, minerals, objects of common use etc. can be described as such words and show that their etymology can be umistakably traced to Sanskrit.16 (For details see Appendix I).
Morphological Features
Coming to accidence or morphological features, Kashmiri reveals its Sanskritic roots no less firmly. Declensions of Kashmiri nouns show how new cases have developed from old Sanskrit bases. For instance, the instrumental in masculine singulars takes the case-ending -an which is a remanant of Skt. -ena or -ena: Ksh. tsuran, Skt. chorena. The dative suffix -as or -is is obviously the same as Pali - assa, which in turn is a derivative of Skt. -asya, though there it is used with the genetive: Ksh. tsuras, Pali chorassa, Skt. chorasya. The locative singular takes the ending -i or e: Ksh. vati, Skt. pathi; Ksh. gari, Skt. grihe. The ablative masculine singular ends in -a or -i, a remanant of Skt. -at: Ksh. tsuri, Skt. chorat For agentive masculine plurals the affix used is -av which appears to have evolved from the Vedic ebhih: Ksh. tsurav, Skt. chorebhih. In the accusative/ dative masc. pl., the case-ending -an can be traced to Skt. -anam: Ksh. tsuran, Skt. choranam: Likewise, fem. sing. nouns take the affixes -yi or -i in accusative/dative/agentive case which can be said to have been derived from the Sanskrit case-endings im, -ya, yah: Ksh. d-iviyi, Skt. deviml devya/devyah.

Like other modern Indo-Aryan languages, Kashmiri forms a new genetive by adding postpositions to the dative and agentive cases. The postpositions used are hund or sund with masculine singular and hinz or sinz with feminine singular nouns and pronouns in case of animate objects the plural forms being, hindy or sindy and hinzi or sinzi respectively Punjabi uses handa or hunda and sanda and Sindhi sanda. According to Becames, sanda is the Panjabi form of the Prakrit santah18, which becomes handa and hunda' with the s changing to h. Buhler is of the opinion that Kashrniri sund comes from Sanskrit shyunda19, which appears to be a little far-fetched. The genetive takes the postpositions un and iny also in masculine and feminine nouns denoting living things; the plural forms are iny and ni. With inanimate objects uk and ich are used in singular and iky and chi are used. These correspond to the Hindi ka, ke and ki, while in Gujrati we have no (bapno ghar- father's house). The feminine forms of the Kashmiri genetive remind one of the corresponding Marathi forms chi che etc.

Several other cases can also be formed by adding postpositions to the dative.

Kashmiri pronouns have preserved many old forms, which occur in Sanskrit but are not found in Prakrit. For example, the personal pronouns (third person) su (he) and su (she) are quite akin to Sanskrit sah and sa. and their plural forms tim (they masc.) and timi (they fem.) to Sanskrit te and tah. All other forms of this pronoun have evolved from the Sanskrit root tad. The Kashmiri first person pronoun bi or bo (I) is a remarkable new form which Buhler regards as "a representative of Skt. bhavat, originally present participle of bhu, 'to be"'. All other forms of this pronoun have developed from the Sanskrit root asmad, as is the case with Punjabi and some other modern Indo-Aryan languages Ksh. asy, panj. assi. Kashmiri interrogative pronoun, kus, who, and its plural kam, as also their various forms reveal a close relationship with Skt. kah and kas. The demonstrative pronouns yi, this has its origin in the Skt. root idam while the relative pronoun yus and yim come from Skt. yah yo and ye.

Verbal forms in Kashmiri follow Sanskrit in being derived from the root of the verb, especailly in the past tense. As Buhler has pointed out, "it is impossible to explain them by Kashmiri'20. In this context Buhler cites deshun, 'to see' and dyun to give; as examples. From these we get the forms dyuth, saw', and dyut, was given', which are derived from dittho Skt. drstitah and ditto < Skt. dattah respectively. This process is visible in the formation of all basic tenses- past, present and future. Various forms of the Kashmiri auxiliary verb chhu and as, which are derived from the Skt. roots kshi, 'to be' and as, and occur in several other Indian languages too, are formed by affixing remanants of personal pronouns to the stem. The simple future tense is formed by adding the suffix -i to the nominative base in the 3rd person, a remanant of the Sanskrit suffix -syati: Ksh. kari (-he/she will do), Skt. Karis yati, Ksh. mari (-he/she shall die), Skt. marisyati, Ksh. vegli (it will melt), Skt. vigalisyati, Kashmiri imperative verbs can hardly be distinguished from their corresponding Sanskrit forms. For example we have, Ksh. gatsh, 'go' Skt. gachcha; Ksh. Iekh, write, Skt likha; Ksh. an, bring', Skt. anaya; Ksh. dav, run Skt. dhava, Ksh. lab, find', Skt. labha(sva), Ksh. kar; do', Skt. kuru, Ksh. van, tell', Skt. varnaya and so on. It appears that most Kashmiri verbs spring from Sanskrit roots.

Verbal nouns are formed in Kashmiri by adding the suffix -un to the base, which can be easily traced to Skt. -nam or nam and is similar to the Hindi suffix -na. Examples Ksh. marun. Skt. maranam (Hindi marna; Ksh. tarun Skt. taranarn (Hindi tarana); Ksh. vavun, Skt. vapanam -(Hindi bona); Ksh. pihun, Skt. pesanarn (Hindi pisna); Ksh. pihun, Skt. pesanam (Hindi pisna); Ksh. tsihun, Skt. chusanam (Hindi chusana), Ksh. khanun, Skt. khananam (Hindi khodana Ksh. tachhun, Skt. takshanam; Ksh. thavun, Skt. sthapanam; Ksh. vuchhun, Skt. vekshanam (Panj. vekhna), Ksh. vatun. Skt. vestanam and so on.

The Kashmiri conjunctive participle -ith preserves elements of the old Sanskrit form -tva. Thus, we have Ksh. karith (-having done), Skt. Krtva, Ksh. namith (having bowed) < namitta < Skt. namitva (nutva), Ksh. gatshith having gone) < ae gachitta (-having gone") < gachhitva < ae gachhitva (gatva), likhit < Skt. likhitva, rachhit Skt. rakshitva.

Kashmiri adverbs too point to their old Indo-Aryan origins, quite transparently:

1. Adverbs of Time:


Kashmiri English Sanskrit
yeli when yarhi
teli then tarhi
kar when, at what time karhi
az today adya (Pkt. ajja)
rath yesterday, yesternight ratrih
suli early sakae (saka+ika)
tsiry late chiram
pati afterwards pashchat
adi after that ada (Vedic)
prath dohi everyday prati+divase
prathryati everymonth prati+rituh
prath vari every year prati+varse
gari-gari every now and then ghatika (Pkt. ghatia, Hindi gari ghari)
yuthuy as soon as yathapi
tyuthuy at that very moment tathapi
totany till then tavat
yotany till such time until yavat, as

2. Adverbs of Place:


Kashmiri English Sanskrit
yeti here, wherever yatra
yetyath at this place
tati there tatra
tatyath at that place
ati at that place/from that place atra
kati at which placet (interrogative) kutra
yot to this place/to whichever place itah
tot to that place tatah
kot to which place kutah, kutra
tal under, below tale
manz in, inside madhye (Pkt. majjhe, Hindi manjh)
manzbag in the middle madhya+bhage
dur far dura
duri from far dure
yapari on this side iha+pare

3. Adverbs of Manner:


Kashmiri English Sanskrit
yithi in which manner, as in this manner yatha
tithi in that manner, like/that tatha
kithi in what manner (interrogative) katham
yithi-tithi somehow yatha+tatha


Kashmiri conjunctions too show the same trend with 'ti' and, coming from Skt. tatha, 'ti', 'also' from Skt. iti'21 and beyi, and, 'more', 'again', from Pkt. 'beiya' Skt. 'dwitlya'.
Order of words
Inspite of all this massive evidence the fact that Kashmiri is an Indo-Aryan language is sought to be dismissed with the argument that the order of words in a Kashmiri sentence is not the same as in Hindi or other north Indian languages. But the order of words is not the same in any of the Dardic languages either which have a totally different syntax. Besides this is not the whole truth. True, the order of words very nearly approaches that of English in direct or coupla sentences with verb coming in between subject and object, but certain other types of Kashmiri sentences do resemble those of Hindi and even Sanskrit, as for instance, in certain types of imperative and interrogative sentences. Consider the following examples:-

(1) Imperative sentences:


Kashmiri English Hindi
yot yi ti bati khe come here and eat your food yahan a aur khana kha
humis adkas nishi beh sit near that boy us larke ke pas baith
yim palav chhal wash these clothes ye kapre dho
chay chyath gatsh leave after taking tea chay pikar ja
guris (pyath) khas mount the horse ghore par charh
vwazul posh an get the red flower lal phul la
kuthis manz par Read inside the room kamre mein parh
yitsi kathi ma kar Don't talk so much itni baten mat kar
tot dwad ma che Don't take hot milk garam dudh mat pi
nyabar ma ner Don't go out Bahar mat nikal
gyavun ma gyav Don't sing a song gana mat ga
vuni ma shong Don't sleep yet abhi mat so

Some of the simpler imperatives can hardly be distinguished from Sanskrit:



Kashmiri English Sanskrit
ati ma par Don't read there atra ma patha
gari ma gatsh Don't go home ghriham ma gachchha
az ma lekh Don't write today adya ma likha
krud ma kar Don't be angry krodham ma kuru

(2) Interrogative sentences:


Kashmiri English Hindi
tse kya gatshi? What do you want? tumhe kya chahiye?
su kot gav? Where di he go? voh kahan gaya?
yot kar-ikh? When will you come here? yahan kab aoge?
chany kur kati chhe? Where is your daughter? tumhari beti kahan hai?
yi kamysund gari chhu? Whose house is this? yeh kiska ghar hai?
bati kus kheyi? Who will take food? khana kaun khayega?

In subordinate or relative clauses the verb generally come last as in Hindi:


Kashmiri English Hindi
su ladki yus yeti rozan os kot gav? Where has the boy who lived here gone? voh larka jo yahan rahta tha kahan gaya?
su hun yus tse onuth tsol rath The dog which you brought, ran away yesterday voh kutta jo tumne laya tha, kal bhag gaya
yosi kath taemy vaeneyi so drayi paez What he had said came out to be true jo bat usne kahi thi voh sach nikali
yosi kath gaeyi, so gaeyi what is past is past jo bat gayi so gayi

This is not to suggest that Kashmiri agrees with Sanskrit in every respect. As a language it has its own peculiarities and distinguishing features. But its basic word-stock does come from Sanskrit, or old Indo-Aryan, and its grammatical forms too have without doubt, developed from it to a considerable extent. True that a great number of Persian and Arabic lexical items have found their way into Kashmiri after the advent of Islam and have become a part of its vocabulary. These, however, are later day additions made much after Kashmiri had evolved as a distinct language.
Written Evidence: Kashmiri and MIA
Though it is not possible to say at what point of time exactly did Kashmiri start taking shape as a distinct language, much of its early literary output having been lost, there is enough written evidence available to help one outline its gradual development fromthe MIA stages of Prakrit and Apabhramsha through which other modern Indo-Aryan languages have passed. Anyone who cares to study its earliest extant record, that exists in the form of the Chhumma Sampraday verses, Mahanay Prakash, Banasur katha and 'Sukha-dukha Charit' will be able to see clearly the continuity of linguistic development that runs through these works. While Chumma Sampraday can be assigned to 11th or 12th century, Mahanay Prakash written by Shitikantha can be rated to the 13th century, both being treatises of esoteric Tantric sects. Then we have the verses of Lalleshwari and Sheikh Nur-ud-Din, celebrated saint-poets who lived in the 14th century, but these have been passed down for centuries in oral tradition and thier language cannot be said to be the same in which they were originally composed. The sentence 'Rangassa Helu dinna' (the village of Helu was given to Ranga) occuring in the 12th century work Kalhana's Rajataringini is also a curious piece of of linguistic evidence. Though Shitikantha's 'Mahanay Prakash' and Avtar Bhatta's Banasur Katha are separated in time by about two centuries, these works share many a linguistic feature.

Shitikantha claims to have written his work in the local dialect "inteligible to all people'-"sarvagochardeshabhasa", and Avtar Bhatta too has used the term "deshy" to describe the language he wrote in. The term has been used by Prakrit grammarians to denote local or provincial dialects, as pointed out by Dr. Tagare. Prakrit works by Jain writers are replete with references to eighteen such dialectsor "attharas bhasa", of which Kashmiri must have been one.

Features of early Kashmiri that appear in Chumma Sampraday in a nascent form become more developed and distinct in Mahanay Prakash, which displays a definite tendency of Prakritization. Banasur Katha, on the other hand, is a record of that state of Kashmiri when the language had just emerged from the Prakrit-Apabhramsha egg-shell. The language of Sukha-dukha Charit is relatively closer to modern Kashmiri while sharing most of the characteristics of Banasur Katha. Being a record of the Kashmiri language as it was spoken in the 15th century, the last two works shed useful light on its medieval development and are greatly helpful in tracing earlier forms of a good number of Kashmiri words. For instance, various forms of the auxiliary verb chhu occur as ksho, kshi, kshem, kshoh, kshiyiy etc, suggestirg that these have originated from the Sanskrit root kshi, meaning 'to be'. Similarly we find the original sh retained in words like shiki, shit; shiton of which the corresponding modern forms are heki, kyath, 'hyotun', Skt. sh generally changing to h in Kashmiri. Shot is another word of this kind, its modern form being hot, 'throat' This is precisely what we find in the Poguli dialect which even today preserves the original sibliant. 'Dittho' (modern Ksh. dyuth) Skt. drishtwa and ditto (mod, Ksh. dyut) < Skt. dattah are among the many intermediary forms of modern Kashmiri words that occur in Banasur Katha.

Most of the phonetical changes one comes across in Mahanay Prakash (M.P), Banasur Katha (B.K) and Sukha-dukha Charit (COC) take place much the same way as they do in Prakrit and Apabhramsha. Many of these changes have crystallized to form words which are used in present-day Kashmiri. For instance, of elision of independent consonants ch, t d and p, there are many examples in these works, the elided consonant being replaced by a glide, y or v: vachan>vayan, lochan>loyan, gatah> gav vady>vay, avaptam>vato, sthapayitva>thavet. In modern Kashmiri too, excepting the elision of ch in vachan and loyan, we have several examples of this as gav, vay, vot and thevith. In Apabhramsha Skt. r changes to a, i and u. In M.P, B.K. and S.D.C., r>i and a: prithvi>pithiv (M.P), Pithvu (B.K); prakriti > pakiti (M.P), pakit (B.K), trn > tin, mrtyu>mitya, drdha>dado (B.K), drstva>dittho, nrtya>nats etc. In modern Kashmiri this tendency can be seen in words like dor< dridha, nats. It will be interesting to note that a good number of grammatical and lexical items are quite similar in B.K., S.D.C. and modern Kashmiri, the apparent phonetlc differenes being mostly due to orthographical limitaticns. Another feature that needs to be noted is that several wcrds occuring in B.K. and S.D.C. are found in Hindi and some other north Indian languages but not in present day Kashmiri. For instance we have: jalo (Hindi jala) pado (Hindi para), chados, chadet (Hindi charha, charhe), piya (Hindi piya), guade (Hindi ghore; modern/standard Kashmiri gur, rural Kashrniri gur). In B.K., the word eshen occurs at one place having beeing been used in the sense of 'they came'. Cursiously, this appears to be a Bengali word, the mod. Kashmiri word being ayi (Hindi aye). These do not appear to be loan words. Their occurrence in 15th century Kashmiri lends further support to the view that the lines of development of Kashmiri and other modern Indo-Aryan languages must have been similar in the initial phases.

Yet another linguistically singificant trait is that in B.K. as well as S.D.C., both 15th century works, several words occur in more than one form. For instance, we have tav and tam, kshyo and chho, ko and kus i and yi. One of these forms appears to be older and unstable whereas the other is relatively new. This shows that the language at that time was more or less in a state of flux and word forms had not yet crystalised. Interestingly enough there are words in contemporary speech also which exist in more than one form. One such word is navid, barber, which is derived from Skt. napita and occurs in the form of nayid (Hindi nai) also, the two forrns denoting two different stages of development: napita>navid, nayid. This makes Kashmiri an interesting subject for study in the Indian linguistic context.
Metrics
These early Kashmiri texts also shed singificant light on Kashmiri metrics. While in Chumma Sampraday and Maharlay Prakash the metre used approaches Vakh and Shruk(J)' derived probably from Sanskrit Shloka or Prakrit Gaha metres, in Banasur Katha Sanskrit metres like Vasantatilakam. Mandakranta, Narkataka, Sriagdkara have been used straightaway together with what appear to be original Kashmiri meitres like Thaddo, Phuro and Dukatika. We find the author of Sukha-dukha Charit also using these very Sanskrit and indigenous metres and that is the last we see of them.

The above study, based on written evidence of the state of Kashmiri language as it was used from the 11th to late 15th century, should be enough to indicate the broad lines of its development in the light of the phonetic changes that can be seen to have taken place during this period. It should surely make it easier for us to go back in time and note for ourselves that this process has been hardly different from the one that has led to the development of other Aryan languages of India. For those who care for facts, this is something that is quite valuable for ascertaining and relocating the position of Kashmiri in the Indian linguistic context. One thing is certain, the roots of Kashmiri do not lie hidden somewhere in the Dardic soil, but can now, more clearly than ever before, be traced to a land that formed a part of the Vedic world. Surely, there is a wide area that has still to be explored, but the direction of this exploration is no longer hazy or uncertain.
APPENDIX I

Kashmiri English Sanskrit/Prakrit
val hair vala
kali head kapalah
buth, mkh face mukh
shondi (archaic) shunda
aes mouth asya
dyak forehead Pkt. dhika (Guj-daka-throat; doku-head)
gal cheek galla
aechh eye akshi
nas/nast nose nasa/nast
vuth lip oshtha
dand teeth danta
bum eyebrow bhru
kan ear karna
zyav tongue jivha
tal palate talu
hongany chin hanu
vachh chest vaksha
katsh armpit kakshah (Hindi kankh)
yad belly Pkt. Dhidh (Panj. tid)
mandal buttocks mand, alah
naf navel nabhi
athi hand hastah
khonivath elbow kaphoni+vatah (c.f. Hindi kohni)
ongij finger anguli
nyoth thumb angustha (c.f. Sh. aguto)
zang leg jangha
khwar feet khurah / kshurah (-a cloven hoof- Note the change in meaning)
pad feet pada
tali-pod sole of a foot padatala
nam nails nakham
tsam skin charma
rath blood rakta
aedij bone adda
daer beard danstrika
naer vein, artery, blood vessel nadika
maz flesh mamsah
aendram intestines antram
bwakivaet kidney vrikka+vatah (c.f. Hindi bukka)
rum hair of the body roma
nal tibia nalah, nalam (Pkt nalo)
ryadi heart hrday

And here are some words relating to various physical states and conditions:


Kashmiri English Sanskrit
zuv life jiva
zyon to take birth Vedic jayate
asun to laugh hasam
rivun to weep rodana
mandachh shyness manda+akshi
volisun to feel joy, alacrity ullasah
bwachhi hunger bubhuksha (c.f. Hindi 'bukh')
shwangun to sleep shayanam
nendir sleep nidra
tresh thirst trsa

As for names of close relatives are concerned Kashmiri 'mol' (father) and 'maej' (mother) are said to be of Dardic origin. 'Mol' is, however, derived from Skt. 'mahal', meaning 'the great one'. Other words are clearly of Sanskrit origin.


Kashmiri English Sanskrit
pot(h)ur son putrah
gobur garbharupah
kur daughter kumari/kaumari (Pkt. kunwari, Kauri, Panj. kudi, Kaur)
boy brother bhrataka (Hindi: bhai)
beni sister bhagini
petir uncle (father's brother) pitravya (Guj.pirai pitrayun)
mas aunt (mother's sister) matushvasa (Pkt. Mausi, Hindi mausi, masi)
pwaph aunt (father's sister) pitushvasa (Hindi phuphi)
mam maternal uncle mamakah (Hindi mama)
mamany wife of maternal uncle mamika
nwash daughter-in-law snusa (Panj. nuh)
zamtur son-in-law jamatr (Pali jamatar, Hindi jamai)
hyuhur father-in-law shvasur (note the change of 'sh' to 'h')
bemi brother-in-law (sister's husband) bhama
zam sister-in-law (husband's sister) jama (Pk. jami)
zaemi sister-in-law's husband jamipati
zaemizi sister-in-law's daughter jameya
benthir sister's son (wife's sister) bhagniputra syali
run husband ramanah (Pkt. ramano ravannu) ranu, ravan (dialect)
vyas female friend vayasi
methir friend mitrah
shaethir foe shatruh

Common animals, birds and even worms and insects have names which are derived from Sanskrit. Examples:


Kashmiri English Sanskrit
sih a lion, tiger simha (Pkt. siha)
hos (t) an elephant hasti
shal a jackal shrigalah (Pkt. siala)
sor a pig shukarah
gav a cow gau (gava)
votsh a calf vatsah
hun a dog shvanah, shun
vandur a monkey vanarah
gur (rural dialect gud) a horse ghotakah
bachheri a colt vats+ika+ra
tshavul a he-goat chhagalah
haput a bear shvapadah
vunth a camel ustrah
hangul a stag shrgalah
maesh a buffalo mahisah
nul mongoose nakulah
kaechhavi a tortoise, a turtle kachhapah
krim a tortoise, a turtle kurmah
vodur a weasel udrah
sarup(h) a snake sarpah
tsaer a sparrow chatkah (Hindi chiriya)
kav a crow kakah
kukil a cuckoo kokil
kwakur a rooster, cock kukkutah
aenz a swan hamsah
har starling, mynah shari
kakuv the muddy goose chakravakah
grad a vulture grdrah
brag a heron bakah
titur a patridge tittirah
byuch a scorpion vrschikah
maech a housefly makshika
kyom a worm krmi
pyush a flea plushi (Hindi pissu)
bumaesin earthworm bhumisnu

Words for Colours:


Kashmiri English Sanskrit
chhot white, bleached shvet
kruhun black krisnah (cf. Hindi kanha)
shyam black shyamah
nyul blue nilah
lyodur yellow haridra
vwazul red ujjvalah
katsur brown karchurah
gurut fair gaura

Names of days of the week:


Kashmiri English Sanskrit
athvar Sunday adityavarah (Hindi itvar, Sh. adit)
tsandrivar Monday chandravarah
bomvar Tuesday bhaumavarah
bodvar Wednesday budhavarah
brasvar Thursday brhaspativarah
shokrivar Friday shukravarah
batavar Saturday bhattarakavarah

Names of edibles:


Kashmiri English Sanskrit
nun salt lavanam
til oil tailam
tomul rice tandulam
danyi paddy dhanyam
kinikh wheat kanikah
bati cooked rice bhaktam
dwad milk dugdham (Hindi dudh)
gyav ghee ghrtarn
pony water pamyam
hakh pot-herb shakam
vangun brinjal, egg-plant vangan
oluv potatoe alukah
muj radish mulika
gazir carrot garjaram (Pkt. gajjaram)
palak(h) spinach palankah
ruhun garlic lashunam
mithy fenugreek methika
kareli bittergourd karvellakah
al the bottle-gourd alabu
hyambi beans shimbi (c.f. Hindi chhimi)
nyom lime, lemon nimbukah
kel bannana kadali (Pkt. kelao, Hindi kela)
amb mangoe amram (Pkt. ambam)
aeen pomegranate dadim
dachh grapes draksha
tang pear tanka
khazir datepalm kharjurah (Pkt. khajjuro)
narjil coconut narikelah
ael cardamom aila
tel sesamum seed tila
rong clove lavang
marits black pepper maricha
martsivangun chilli maricha+vangana
mong a species of pulse mudgah (Pkt. muggo)
chani gram, chick-pea chanakah
mah a bean masha
muth a kind of pulse, vetch mayasthah, makushthah
makey corn, maize markaka (Pkt. makka+ika)
machh honey maksha
khyatsir a dish of rice and split pulse krsharah (Hindi khichari)
ras juice, gravy rasah
layi parched grain laja
shakkar unrefined sugar sharkara
shonth dried ginger shunthi
zyur cumin seed jirakah
yangi asfoetida hingu
gor molasses gudah (Hindi gur)
rot a sweet cake offered to a god rotah

Names of the minerals also show the same tendency:


Kashmiri English Sanskrit
swan gold swarna (Hindi sona)
rwap(h) silver raupya
tram copper tamra
shastir iron shastrakah
parud mercury pardah
kenz brass, bellmetal kansya

Names of objects of common use are mostly of Sanskrit derivation:


Kashmiri English Sanskrit
kapur cloth kalpatah (Pkt. kappado, Hindi kapra)
pot woollen cloth patah
sitsan needle suchika
raz rope rajju
sithir cotton thread sutrah
trakir balance tarkari
parmani weights parimana
prang/palang couch paryankah
bani utensils bhajana (Pkt. bhayana, Guj. bhanun, bhanen, Sindh banu)
vokhul mortar ulukhalah
kazul collyrium kajjalam
kath wood kastham
kammal blanket kambalam (Pkt. kammal)
mokhti pearls mukta
nav boat nava (Vedic)
dungi a canoe, a large boat drona+kah (c.f. Hindi donga)
shup winnower shurpa
baehaets a large boat vahitra, vohittha (c.f. Hindi bohit)
thal a large plate of metal sthalam (c.f. Hindi thal)
gasi grass ghasam (Hindi ghas)
kangir a portable fire-pot, brazier kastha+angari+ka, ka+angari+ka
dand a staff dandam
zal a net jalam
baji a musical instrument vadya+kah (Hindi baja)
vaejy a ring valaya
kofur camphor karpuram
gadvi a water vessel gadukah
sranipath a loincloth snanapattam
ganti bell ghanta
sendir vermilion sindurah
kapas cotton karpasam (Pkt. kappasam)
toh chaff tusa
turi claironet turya
bin lute vina (Hindi bin)
vaenk braid venika
vag bridle valga (Hindi bag)
baety wick vartika
kangany comb kankatika
mal garland necklace mala
bungir bangle, bracelet vank+diminutive affix ri (c.f. Hindi bangri, bangri; Marathi bangrya)
pulihor a shoe of grass or straw pula+kah (Hindi pula)

Names of different seasons are peculiarly Sanskritic:


Name of the season Kashmiri Sanskrit
spring sont(h) vasanta
summer grishim gris, ma
rainy season vaehrat varsa+ rituh (Hindi 'barsat')
autumn harud sharad
winter vandi varsant

Etymology of words relating to physical, natural and environmental phenomena is quite interesting:


Kashmiri English Sanskrit
siri (Muslim Kashmiri 'akhtab') sun suryah
tsaendir, tsaendram moon chandra, chandra+mas (Hindi 'chandrama')
tarak(h) stars tarakah
nab sky nabhah
samsar the universe, world samsarah
thal land sthalah
vav air vayuh
tap(h) sunlight atapah
gash/pragash light prakash
anigati darkness andha-ghata
obur cloud abhra
vuzimali lightening vidyut+mala
gagiray rumbling, thunder gargara
saedir sea, ocean samudrah
sar lake sarah
kval stream kulya
van forest van
sangar shrnga mountain
sangarmal shrnga+mala peaks
bunyul earthquake bhu+chala (Hindi bhuchal)

Kashmiri numerals
Of particular interest in this context are Kashmiri numerals, cardinals as well as ordinals, which are amazingly Indo-Aryan, retaining old Sanskritic elements as hardly any other modern Indo-Aryan language does. In the Dardic languages Sanskrit sh does not change to h though in Prakrit/Kashmiri has a full fledged numeral system which by no stretch of imagination can be said to have any links with Dardic where counting is done in twenties. Siddheshwar Verma has very clearly shown that Kashmiri follows the Sanskrit-Pali pattern in its numerals[17]. Let us consider a few examples. Kashmiri is the only modern Indo- Aryan language that retains the Sanskrit dvi in the form of du) in numerals that come after ten (barring twelve). Thus we have, duhaeth (Skt. dva-shasthi, Pali dvasatthi, Pkt. basatthi); dusatath (Skt. dvisaptati, Pali dvasattati), dunamath (Skt dvanavati). In all other Indo-Aryan languages including Prakrit, d>b, as in Hindi basath, bahattar, banave. In the same way Kashmiri shunamath retains the sh of Sanskrit sannavati, whereas in other Indo- Aryan languages sh>chh, Hindi chhiyanave, Bengali chhevanabbe, Sindhi chhanave etc. Again, Kashmiri "satath" is closer to the Sanskrit-Pali pattern and not to Prakrit in which the terminal t of saptati changes to r:Prakrit sattari', Hindi, Punjabi, Bengali, Marathi sattar, Sindhi satari.

It is amazing that Kashmir deh (Muslim Kashrnir dah) and hath derived from Sanskrit dash and shat respectively, with sh and some other Indian languages like Marathi it does: (Skt. dashamukha Pkt. dahamuho; Marathi daha- ten) In the Dardic, and even Kafir languages, sh is generally retained. Thus we have: Kalash dash, Gwarbati dash, Garwi dash. Torwali dash, Shina dai, Maiya dash. In Kashmiri shat (h) as well hath are used for hundred hath for numbers below seven hundred and shat for numbers above it. But in Dardic languages sh is generally retained or changed to s as in Hindi and other modern Indo-Aryan languages: Kalash shor, Garwi 'So, Torwali 'So, Maiya shal, Shina shal.

The following table will make the position of Kashmiri numerals more clear:


Numeral Kashmiri Sanskrit
one akh ekah
two zi dvi
three tre tri
four tsor chatur
five pantsh pancha
six she sastha
seven sat(h) sapta
eight aeth asta
nine nnv nava
ten daeh dash
twenty vuh vimsha
thirty trih trimsha
forty tsatiji(h) chaturvimshata
fifty pantsah panchashata
sixty sheth shastih
seventy satat(h) saptatih
eighty shith ashitih
ninety namath navatih
hundred hath/shath shata
thousand sas sahasra
lakh lachh laksha
crore karor kotih

APPENDIX II
Some Examples of Conjunction

(1) k+t > tt: shakti > shatta, bhakti > bhatta, rakta > ratta; Mod. Kaihmiri: rakta 'rath', 'bhakta (-rice) > bati, saktum > (parched rice) > sot.
(2) p+t tt/t: sapta > satta, avaptam > vato. Mod. ksh.: sapta > sath, avaptam > vot, tapta > tot.
(3) t+y ch: nrtya- > nachha - Mod. Ksh nrtya > nats, atyeti > Pkt. achei > Ksh. ats
(4) d+y jj: adya > ajja, vadyanti vajjan, Mod. Ksh: adya > az, vadyanti vazan.
(5) g+dh > dh: dagdha > dadho, dadhos. Mod. Ksh. dagdha > dod, dodus.
(6) dh+y > jj: madhya > majj (Pkt. majh, Hindi manjh); budhyate > bujje (Pali bujjhati, Pkt. bujjhai). Mod. Ksh: Madhya > manz, budhyate > bozi.
(7) h+v > jj: dahyati > dajji Mod. Ksh: dahyati > dazi
(8) d+v > b: dwitiva > Pkt. belya, bhiya, Mod. Ksh. beyi, dwadash > bah (Hindi barah) dwar > bar (Punjabi bari)
(9) g+n > gg: lagnah > laggo Mod. Ksh. lagnah > lagun, log
(10) g+n > nn: naghah > nanno Mod. Ksh. nagnah > non
(11) t+m > p: atman > pan (Pkt. appa, Hindi ap, Sindhi, pan, u)

In conjuncts with sibliants, the sibliant generally elides:

(1) s+t > th, tth: stana > than, hastat > attha Mod. Ksh: stana > than, stabmbh > tham, hasta > athi
(2) s+th > th: sthal > thal (Pali thal', Pkt. 'thal', Punj. 'thal' Assamese 'thal', Guj, 'thal', Marathi 'thal', Hindi 'thal' Skt. stha piyitva > thavet, sthan > than, Mod. Ksh: 'sthal' > thal, sthapanam > thavun, sthal > thal.
(3) s+ph > ph: 'sphotayah > photiy; Mod. Ksh: 'sphotyati' > phuti
(4) s+m > s: 'smar' > sar, saret (Pali 'sar' -, Pkt. 'sar'-, Mod. Ksh: 'smar' > sar
(5) sh+t/th > ttha: drstva dittho (Pali dittha, Pkt. datt,ha, dittha, Guj. Dithun, Awadhi: ditha), pristha > pittha, nistha > nittha, upavista > bittha; Mod. Ksh: dristwa dyut,h; prishtha > pyath, pith; kostha > kuth; oshtha > wuth; asta > ae: th kashtha > kath (Hindi kath) musti > mvath pusta > puth, jyestha > zyuth (Hindi jetha), bhrasta breth; upavista > byuth.

Another point of similarity between phonology of M.P., B.K. S.D.C. and Prakrit-Pali-Apabhramsha is elision of 'r' in r'-conjunction. The present writer was pleasantly surprised to come acorss the word 'piya' (-beloved) in one of the most beautiful songs of Banasur Katha-piya ma gatsh marnay.

(1) k+r > k. krodhe > kodhe, krur > kur, Mod. Ksh: krur > kur
(2) k+k > kk: chakra > chakka, shakra > shakka; Mod. Ksh: chukra > tsok, nakrashira > Pkt. nakkasira- > Mod. Ksh. naser
(3) t+r > t: > tatra tatte, tati; yatra > yatti, yati; atra > ati, trasen > trase, tri- > ti.
Mod. Ksh. tatra > tati; yatra > yeti, atra > ati, ratri > rath, kutra > kati
(4) r+n/n, > n (n): varna > vanna; suvarna > suvanna, varnaya > vanno, (a) karne > akannet. Mod. Ksh.: karna > kan, swarna > swan, parna > pan, churna > tsin,
(5) r+m > mm; m; karma > kamma, marma > mamma charma > chamma Mod. Ksh: karma > k aem, charma > tsam
(6) r+p > pp: darpa > dappa; arpit > appu; Mod. Ksh: shurpa > shup; karpasa > kayas
(7) r+h > ll, 1: yarhi > yille, tarhi > tille, Mod. Ksh: yarhi > yeli, tarhi > teli

When 'r' is the second member of a conjunct, however, it does not elide, but is retained with a vocalic release:

(1) Agre > agari, agra; abhrat > abhra; sahasra > sass; nirgatah > niret, niri, nirim; sparsa > parshet, Mod. Ksh: abhra > obur, sahasra > sas, nirgatah > ner; sparsha > phash (Pkt. phassa)

The consonant 'r' is, however, generally retained in modern Kashmiri in initial, medial or final positions. The doubled consonants formed as a result of its elision have been simplied in course of further development of the language in case of words where it has been elided. There is no compensatory elongation of the vowel in Kashmiri for the words so formed, as usually happens in Hindi and other modern Indo-Aryan languages. Thus karna > kan and not kan (as in Hindi), swarna > swan and not sona.

The joint letter ksh changes mostly to chh or chchh, but in some cases it changes to kh as happens in Mod. Ksh. too.

Here are same examples:

(1) Ksh > chchh/chh: kshut. > chchot; akshi > achchi Mod. Ksh: kshut > tshot, akshi > achh, mandakshi > mandachh, bubhuksha > bochhi, laksha > lachh, vaksha > vachh, raksha > rachh, paksha > pachh, kaksha > kachh, taksha > tachh, yaksha > yachh, draksha > dachh, maksha > machh, kshalava > chhal, shiksha > hechh, veksha > vuchh (Punj. vekh)
(2) ksh > kkh/kh: tikshna > tikkho Mod. Ksh: Lakshmi > lakhymi, sukshma > sikhim, paksha > (-wing) > pakh, kshama > khyama

The sibliants 'sh', 's' (cerebral 'sh') and 's' generally change to 'h' in Kashmiri though there are several exceptions.

(1) sh/s > h: dasha > daeh, ekadasha > kah, chaturdasha > chuddah, nashan > nahen Mod. Ksh: dasha > clah, ekadasha > kah, chaturdasha > tsodah, nashan > nahvun, sharad > harud, shat > hath, shuska > hokh, krisna > kruhun, chusana > tsihun, pesanam > pihun, vestana > vatun, visam > veh, tus > toh, manusya > mohnyuv, upavisha > beh; shun/shwan > hun; shari > haer, mashkah > moh.
(2) sh/s remains unchanged: shobha > shub, maihisa mash, shurpa > shup, pusa/puspa > posh, asha > ash, tris. > tresh, mris. mash-, lesha > lish, prakash > gash.
Initial 'h' changes to 'a' in Kashmiri. There are only a few examples of this in M.P. B.K. aild S.D.C.: hastat > attha, hasti > asis
Mod. Ksh: hasta > athi, hasan > asun, ha,dda > adda

Vowel changes occur in modern Kashmiri almost along the same lines as in M.P. B.K. and S.D.C. Examples of some of these are given below:-

(1) a > a: sahara > sass, saphal > saphul, nibhrit > nibhara, rakshaka > rakshe, sahit > sate, priya > piya, nashya > nah. Mod. Ksh: sahasra > sas, raksha > rachh-,. nashya- > nah;
(2) a > u: Medial 'a' often changes to 'u' in Kashmiri nominative singular. This tendency is equally strong in M.P., B.K. and S.D.C.
Examples: Janaka > januk, anal > anul, varsana > varshun, tapodhana > tapodhun, sanrakshaka > sanrakshuk, Narad > Narud, Madhava > Madhuv. Mod. Ksh.: balak > baluk, varsan, a > varshun, rakshaka > rakhyuk, takshaka > takhyuk, Narada > Narud, sarpah > sarup, bhramrah > bombur
(3) a > a: Like Maharashtri, Jain Maharashtri, Ardha- Magdhi Prakrits and Apabhramshas, a > a in fem. nom. sing. in M.P., B.K., and S.D.C. Modern Kashmiri also exhibits this tendency. Examples: Puja > puj, katha > kath, bala > bal, Usha (proper name) > Ush, mata > mat Mod. Ksh.: Puja > puz, katha > kath, bala > bal, Usa (proper name) > Ushi, mala > mal, sthala > thal
(4) i > a: narpati > narpat, dinapati > dinapat, nayika > nayak, rishi > rish, rashi > rash, rashmi > rashm, buddhi > buddh, shakti > shatta, bhakti > bhatta, agni > agna. Mod. Ksh.: rsi > ryosh, ganapati > ganapat, rashi > rash, budcdhi > bwadh, gati > gath, prati > prath.
(5) i > u: jiva > juv (Sindhi jiu, Panj, jiu, Kumanoni jyu, ziu, Bengali jiu, Marathi jiu, Hindi jiu) Mod. Ksh.: zuv
(6) u > a: tribhuvan > tibhavan, Shambhu > Shambh, ashru > asra, kutah > katto, asur > asar, shatru > shatra, Visnu > vi,sn,a.
Mod. Ksh.: ashru > osh, kutah > kati, shatru > shathir Vishnu > veshin

APPENDIX III
Abbreviations

Skt. Sanskrit
Pkt. Prakrit
Ksh. Kashmiri
Mod.Ksh. Modern Kashmiri
IA Indo-Aryan
OIA Old Indo-Aryan
MIA Mid Indo-Aryan
Panj. Panjabi
Guj. Gujrati
M.P. Mahanay Prakash
B.K. Banasur Katha
S.D.C. Sukha-Dukha Charit

REFERENCES

1. Siddheshwal Verma, The Antiquities of Kashmiri: An Approach. p. 7.
2. See his Detailed Report of a Tour in Search of Sanskrit Manuscripts Made in Kashmir, Rajputana and Central Asia p. 89.
3. Journal Asiatic Society of Bengal, p. 280.
4. Tour in Search of Sanskrit Manuscripts, p. 83.
5. Monier Williams, Sanskrit Dictionary, p. 844.
6. The Antiquities of Kashmiri: An Approach, p. 4.
7. S.K. Toshkhani, "Some Important Aspects of Kashmiri as a Language", The Lala Rookh, August 1967, p. 50.
8. G.A. Grierson, "The Linguistic Classification of Kashmiri", Indian Antiquary XLIV, p. 257.
9. The Linguistic Survey of India Vol. VIII. Part II. p. 259.
10. S.K. Chatterji, Languages and Literatures of Modern India. p. 256.
11. The Lingusitic Survey of India Vol. VIII, Part IV: The Introduction p. 8.
12. Quoted by Murray B. Emenau in AnL VIII. No. 8, p. 282-83.
13. Ibid.
14. G.A. Grierson, The Linguistic Survey of India Vol. VIII, Part II, 251- 2.
15. See T. Grahame Bailey, Grammar of the Shina Language, Royal Asiatic Society, London, 1924.
16. Help has been taken of Turners' Comparative Dictionary of Modern Indo-Aryan Languages' for etymology of most of the words.
17. Siddheshwar Verma, The Antiquities of Kashmiri: An Approach, p. 5-6.
18. Beams, A Comparative Grammar of the Modern Languages of India. p. 291.
19. Tour in Search of Sanskrit Manuscripts, p. 86.
20. Ibid. p. 86.
21. G. A. Grierson, The Language of Mahanay Prakash, Para 274.






© 2009-10 Kashmir News Network: Language Section (koshur.org). All rights reserved.

Pt dezinformatul imardan

http://saccsiv.wordpress.com/2010/02/25/un-tigan-nervos-ma-ameninta/#comments

i.mardan said, on martie 1, 2010 at 1:25 am

``In viata mea nu am vazut o mai mare scamatorie cu ,,dovezi”luate din context.Hai sa-ti dau eu o pseudodemonstratie,asemanatoare cu a ta.Ai citit,,Vedele”?Acolo se vorbeste de o populatie alba(ariana=nobila)venita din vest,numiti RAMANI.Acestia au trait acum cateva mii de ani in Europa,inainte sa ajunga in India,unde au fost declarati zei si au condus poporul auohton cateva sute de ani(daca nu crezi,citeste scrierile respective).Dupa cum se stie,cea mai veche civilizatie a Europei au fost pelasgii(hiperboreenii)dupa scrierile lui Herodot.Hiperboreeni inseamna,,locuitorii din Nord”.Pentru vechii greci,locuitori al Nordului erau toti cei ce traiau dincolo de munti,ori acei munti situati la Nord de Grecia erau Carpatii.Din care se trage concluzia ca populatia RAMANA(conducatori ai triburilor din zona Indiei)au fost stramosii ROMAN-ilor.Ei au adus cu ei scrierea sanskrita(SAN=SFANT,SKRITA=SCRIERE).Dovezi stintifice?MAMA=MEDAR,TATA=PEDAR(Padre),BRAT=FRAT(E),DO=DOI,NO=NOUA,DUJMAN=DUJMAN,JIV(VIATA)in romana JIVINA(VIETUITOARE).UNELE din aceste CUVINTE SE GASESC SI IN ALTE LIMBI INDO-EUROPENE,DAR DOAR IN LIMBA ROMANA POT FI GASITE IN TOTALITATE.CONCLUZIA?Stramosii ROMAN-ilor au fost RAMAN-ii.LIMBA UNICA DIN CARE SE TRAG TOATE LIMBILE INDOEUROPENE A FOST LIMBA VORBITA DE STRAMOSII NOSTRI,CARE AU FOST,,ZEI”PENTRU STRAMOSII VOSTRI.Vezi ce usor se pot rastalmaci si,,combina”franturi de adevar?In alta ordine de idei reprezentanta ONG-ista a tiganilor,Delia Matache(?)spunea ca numele de,,rom”provine din substantivul,,dom”care inseamna,,om”.Dovezile ,,fonetice”date de ea erau la fel de elucubrante ca ,,dovezile”tale.ACUM HAI SA-TI DAU EU EXPLICATIA DENUMIRII LIMBII,,ROM”SI CA FARA SA VRETI,SAU FARA SA STITI,FACETI DELICTUL DE UZURPARE DE IDENTITATE.Voi ati ajuns in Europa prin Imperiul Bizantin,unde ati locuit o perioada.Din limba greaca ati luat unele cuvinte,cum ar fi,,PANCI”=PENTA=CINCI.Grecii se numeau,,romei”adica urmasi ai romanilor,tinand cont ca ei au fost locuitorii vechiului Imperiu Roman de Est.Totodata,in vestul Imperiului Bizantin(partea europeana a Turciei)se afla provincia numita,,RUMELIA”.Locuitorii acestei provincii(cu trasaturi europene,nu asiatice)se considera descendenti ai romanilor.adica stramosi de-ai poporului nostru.De acolo v-ati luat denumirea limbii.Restul e can can.``


Mardane rasistule asculta:
-in scrierile sacre indiene se vorbeste de o populatie ce se numea roma sau ramana.Nu se stie ce erau.Dar se stie ca erau o casta mixta.Deci din pc de vedere al sistemului de caste nu erau puri,in India casatoria facandu-se doar in interiorul aceleasi caste conform Dharma Manava Shastra.
-rasa aryana nu este rasa alba europeana, doar popoarele indiene sunt ariene.De altfel ``arya`` inseamna nobil in sanskrita.
-dupa parerea ta:
SAN=SFANT,SKRITA=SCRIERE, dar se vede ca esti incult caci samskritam inseamana:
sams=pus laolalta,aranjat,polizat ,artificial,kritam=creat,facut, deci ``limba creata artificial``-samskritam.
Limba sanskrita nu s-a vorbit niciodata , fiind folosita doar in temple.Ea fiind creata de preoti din limba/limbile prakrit(natural,normal).
-in greaca nu exista ``panci``-aces cuvant inseamna cinci in toate limbile Indiei-incultule!
-LIMBA ROMANI este o limba sanskrito-prakrita asa cum sunt toate limbile Indiei.Vocabularul limbii mele este in intregime indian ca si gramatica.
-multe popoare se numeau roma in India si se mai numesc si acum.In limba coptilor acest cuvant inseamna barbat.Este doar un hazard lingvistic urmasule
nedemn al vitejilor daci !
-dom sunt o populatie indiana si nu au de a face cu noi.Romii au plecat toti din India.
-limba Romani/Ramani nu este un dialect indian-ea este o limba cu reguli gramaticale proprii!
-hai sa iti spun ceva nou:toate limbile sunt de oigine prakrito-sanskrita.De aceea se gasesc cuvinte asemanatoare in toate limbile.
-esti un INCULT!
CAN CAN E IN CAPUL TAU !

Contributia romilor in Romania

S-a zis de cei ce au uitat
Ca romii fura si n-au lucrat
Ca-s lenesi si mincinosi
Dar oare nu suntem oameni toti?

Dar stramosii nostri au lucrat
La al pamantului arat...
Batut-au fierul in potcoave,
Facut-au pluguri si topoare
Cuie, sape si balamale.
Din arama bateau cazane,
Din lemn linguri
Din os piepteni ei ciopleau
Din pamant caramizi ardeau
Cerneau aur,lucrau inele
Cantau de dor cantau de jele..

A luptat pentru Romania,
Bunicul meu in Rusia,
Prinzonier acolo sapte ani
Si voi ne faceti golani?

Ce sa muncim acuma frate?
Potcoave la anvelope uzate?
Ca taranii nu ``munceste``
``Este`` smecheri si somajeste
Ce inele sa mai faci?
Gem vitrinele de saci!
Linguri si piepteni din
Plastic
Caramizi din bca,
Cazane se fac cam putine
Sunt alcooale de alea fine

Doar manele se asculta...

Cam asta am avut de zis
Ca auziti ca prin vis
Oricum scriu sau zic
Totu`i un mare nimic!

Ungrovlahia

PODENI
Repere geografice, istorice si culturale. Valente turistice





Calatorul care isi va indrepta pasii pentru prima data catre meleagurile pitoresti de la poalele Muntilor Mehedinti, fie pornind de la Dunare, din fosta localitate Varciorova, pe valea raului Bahna, cale de circa 30 de kilometri, fie traversand, dinspre Baile Herculane, inaltimile semete, acoperite cu paduri seculare, va fi surprins sa descopere salba de sate si catune ale podenarilor, risipite pe firul apelor sau pe coamele unor dealuri ce se desprind, asemenea unor brate vanjoase, din piscurile muntelui…




Comuna mehedinteana Podeni, cu imprejurimile, locurile si asezarile sale pitoresti



Comuna Podeni, situata in partea de vest a judetului Mehedinti, la 38 de kilometri de municipiul Drobeta Turnu Severin, cuprinde, intre hotarele sale, o suprafata de 71 kmp, invecinandu-se, la vest, cu judetul Caras-Severin, la nord si nord-est, cu localitatile Costesti, Prejnea, la est, cu Balta, Sfodea (comuna Balta), la sud-est cu Siroca (comuna Godeanu) iar la sud cu Jupanesti, Ciresu si Negrusa (comuna Ciresu).

Distantele pana la localitatile invecinate nu sunt prea mari, respectiv 10 km pana la Balta, 6-7 km pana la Costesti, Prejnea, Ciresu, 10-12 km. pana la Baile Herculane ( in functie de traseul folosit), cu mentiunea ca parcurgerea acestui ultim traseu presupune traversarea Muntilor Mehedinti, doar partial accesibili cu mijloacele auto.

Relieful de care dispune hotarul comunei Podeni este pe cat de variat pe atat de pitoresc, indiferent de anotimp, versantii, mai mult sau mai putin abrupti ai muntilor, separati de vai adanci, cu paraie repezi si zgomotoase, continuandu-se, spre est, cu dealuri impadurite ori acoperite cu plantatii de pomi fructiferi, valea raului Bahna, care traverseaza comuna de la nord la sud, apoi alte lanturi de dealuri, separate de ogase si lunci, impodobite tot cu holde de pomi fructiferi, zeci de conace ale satenilor, avand in preajma "mosiile stramosesti", adica terenurile pentru fanete, islaz, culturile agricole, inerente traiului locuitorilor cat si pentru animalele din gospodarii, zootehnia avand stravechi traditii in satele de munte.

Raul Bahna, o adevarata coloana vertebrala a vetrelor satelor apartinatoare comunei, izvoraste din extremitatea nordica a acesteia, din pieptul Dealului Baii, sapandu-si, de-a lungul milioanelor de ani, o vale adanca si larga, cu versanti impaduriti natural cat si prin masive plantatii de salcami, pini, realizate cu cateva decenii in urma.

Dupa ce, impreuna cu un prim afluient mai important, venit dinspre munte, imbratiseaza afectuos un deal larg pe al carui grumaz e asezat satul Gornenti, Bahna ajunge in hotarul satului de centru, Podeni, unde mai primeste, pe rand, paraurile Camana, Valea Mare, Gradesnita si Topolova dupa care va traversa hotarele comunelor Ciresu si Ilovita, varsandu- se in Dunare, in zona fostei localitati Varciorova, acoperita in prezent de apele lacului de acumulare al Hidrocentralei Portile de Fier I.

Impresionat de pitorescul Vaii Bahnei, de remarcabilele marturii ale unei "geologii scrise cu rabdare, in petrecerea implacabila a multor milenii", regretatul folclorist si prieten Pavel Ciobanu compara acest plai mioritic cu "un uimitor muzeu natuaral, multiplicat intr-un sir irepetabil de secvente, mereu la alte uluitoare dimensiuni".

Un alt om de cultura severinean, profesorul de geografie Ilie Chivu ( de asemenea trecut in lumea umbrelor), exclama cu uimire, referindu-se la raul Bahna: "Cine si-ar fi inchipuit ca acest firav firicel de apa va fi in stare sa spintece in lung culmea muntoasa a Mehedintiului, pentru a-si croi drum spre Dunare ?" (Volumul "Plaiul Closani", 1976, ingrijit de profesorul Pavel Ciobanu si, respectiv, volumul "Itinerare mehedintene" de Ilie Chivu, Editura Mirton, Timisoara, 2002).

Comuna Podeni cuprinde trei sate si anume: satul de centru, Podenii propriu-zis (alcatuit din catunele Valea, Dealul si Bolovanul), Gornenti si Malarisca. Satul de centru, in functie de configuratia reliefului, e amplasat, in cea mai mare parte, de-a lungul raului Bahna, casele fiind insirate cand pe un mal, cand pe celalalt al apei, pe o distanta de peste un kilometru, grupate intr-un fel de cartiere (numite de localnici si "cadalacuri") precum Turculanii, Gramestii, Manolestii, Muichestii, Papavestii, Poncestii, denumirile fiind legate de ponderea majoritara a unor neamuri sau familii vechi ale satului.

Dealul si Bolovanul sunt asezate pe platourile a doua dealuri paralele, ca doua trepte, aliniate spre culmile muntelui, sub strasina caruia inca n-au disparut definitiv si un fel de catunase (alcatuite din case si conace) numite Dumbrava, Sarafinesti, Pogar , Topolova sau Curmatura (un fel de prelungire a Dealului spre munte), toate aceste asezari fiind legate prin drumuri sau poteci atat de satul de centru cat si de munte, de orasul Baile Herculane.

O situatie aparte o prezinta asezarea numita " Macanii", cea mai departata de centrul satului, situata chiar sub pieptul muntelui numit Piatra Camenii, la capatul unei valcele abrupte din care tasnesc cateva izvoare cu ape limpezi si reci ca gheata, in jurul carora, din cele 10-12 gospodarii, cu case vesele, primitoare, de acum 50 de ani, au mai ramas doar 3 localnici izolati, nostalgici dupa traditiile stramosesti, macani ce prefera sa reziste pana la sfarsit in acest cuib de vulturi, deopotriva salbatic si pitoresc.

Un amplasament, cel putin la fel de inalt ca si al Bolovanului, il are satul Gornenti (candva fost comuna, avand in componenta si pe macani), situat, dupa cum am mai amintit, pe spatele unui deal lung si abrupt, la circa 3 kilometri de centrul comunei, si acesta, ca si celelalte asezari din munti, fiind intr-un continu proces de depopulare prin migratia, in deosebi a tinerilor, spre orase, in cautarea unui trai mai bun.

De un pitoresc aparte e amplasamentul satului Malarisca, situat intr-un fel de mica depresiune, aproape plata, in furcitura a doua vai, inconjurat de holde de pruni, ciresi, de culturi agricole, gradini si conace aflate in continuarea vetrei satului. Toate gospodariile, casele podenarilor sunt, de fapt, imprejmuite cu garduri inalte sau ziduri din piatra, dispun de gradini pentru zarzavaturi sau cu pomi fructiferi iar pe firul apelor inca mai pot fi identificate locurile unde au fost construite morile de altadata, demolate insa in ultimele decenii, odata cu electrificarea tuturor satelor.

O caracteristica a caselor din aceasta zona de munte e ca sunt construite, aproape in totalitate, din piatra si lemn (avand in vedere abundenta acestor materiale pe plan local), de regula, piatra fiind utilizata la zidirea beciurilor sau pivnitelor, care alcatuiesc un fel de parter, iar lemnul servind la ridicarea etajului (cu camerele de locuit, bucatarie, holuri), in ultimele decenii extizandu-se si utilizarea caramizii, cu exceptia podurilor caselor care sunt tot din lemn ( e vorba de spatiile dintre tavanele camerelor si acoperisuri, folosite, in mod obisnuit, ca magazii pentru ceriale, fructe etc).

O alta remarca interesanta poate fi aceea ca, avand in vedere distantele mari dintre casele in care locuiesc si proprietatile aflate, uneori, la peste 5-6 kilometri, satenii si-au construit unul sau doua conace, unde au camere de locuit, magazii si grajdiuri pentru animale, tarcuri pentru claile de fan, adesea chiar gradini pentru cultivarea zarzavaturilor etc. Iarna, cand drumurile de legatura cu satul se blocheaza cu troiene de zapada, gospodarii pot locui confortabil la conace, unde si-au asigurat din timp rezervele de alimente necesare.

Viata oamenilor de la munte a fost dintotdeauna aspra, dura si fara prea mari satisfactii materiale, mai ales in ultimele decenii, cand populatia s-a rarefiat, a imbatranit, multe case si conace, gospodarii si mosii au inceput sa se pustiasca.

Si totusi, cei care au copilarit ori si-au petrecut anii tineretii in satele de bastina, sunt adesea marcati, oriunde se vor fi instrainat, de fiorul nostalgiei pentru locurile natale, farmecul traditiilor si datinilor stravechi, legate de specificul vietii si muncii taranului, un fel de dor dureros pentru un "paradis pierdut' al obarsiilor.

Finantistul octogenar Coli Negoitescu, plecat din Podeni inca de cand era flacau, scolit si stabilt, pana la urma, in Banat, la Timisoara, imi marturisea, in ultimele luni de viata, ca, daca batranetea si boala nu l-ar fi coplesit, singura dorinta pe care ar fi vrut sa si-o mai indeplineasca ar fi fost de a mai apuca sa doarma cateva nopti de iarna grea la conacul copilariei, ca sa mai auda si sa vada "fuioarele de nameti spulberate de viscol la strasini", sa mai auda « latratul cainilor si tanguitul clopotelor in palanca ».




O sumara restrospectiva istorica. Bucurestiul « s-a nascut » la Podeni



In ce priveste trecutul istoric, exista dovezi incontestabile ca, nu numai de-a lungul Dunarii ci si in zonele de munte ale Mehedintilor, s-au incrobit asezari omenesti din cele mai vechi timpuri, favorizate de un climat usor mediteranian, mai prielnic, de adapostul vailor sau al pesterilor, destul de frecvente in acesti munti calcarosi. Referindu-ne la la Evul Mediu romanesc, consemnam o prima atestare documentara, datand din 1424, cand Dan al II-lea Voievod daruieste si satul Podeni Manastirii Tismana (ctitorita, dupa cum se stie, de calugarul Nicodim, care, mai inainte, zidise si Manastirea Vodita). Intre anii 1496 si 1508, locuitorii satului sunt scutiti de "dajdii si slujbe", scutire reconfirmata in 1526 de Radu de la Afumati, reconfirmare stipulata in 1528 si in ce priveste stapanirea, de catre Manastirea Tismana, cu privire la partea de mostenire a unui oarecare Roman din Pades.

In 1581 si 1583, e intarita stapanirea peste ocinile cumparate in Podeni de catre persoanele devenite coproprietare cu Manastirea Tismana iar in 1632, o oarecare Viga Podeanca, din Podeni, a daruit nepotului ei, Nicola din Glogova, via si mosia ei din Podeni, tot aici consemnandu-se si ocinile mostenite de un capitan din Gorj. In 1779, apoi in 1794, se vorbeste despre mosnenii din Podeni (Arjocestii) iar in 1819, se pomeneste de 25 de familii platitoare de bir, asezate pe mosia "miezeseasca".

Asemenea atestari (existente in documentarele Arhivelor Statului din Drobeta Tr. Severin, reamintite si intr-un recent "Dictionar Enciclopedic al judetului Mehedinti, redactat de Ileana Roman si Tudor Ratoi) sunt tot mai numeroase dupa 1800, precizandu-se, la un moment dat, si numarul familiilor din Podeni, respectiv 87 in 1835, apoi 165 in 1864.

La sfarsitul secolului al XIX-lea, Ion Ionescu de la Brad mentioneaza, in lucrarea "Agricultura judetului Mehedinti", satele de mosneni Gornenti ( cu peste 150 de familii), Podeni (cu 165 de familii), Ciresu, Negrusa si Jupanesti (de asemenea, cu peste 160 de familii). Alte documente, datand din 1850, 1859, se refera la paza granitei cu Imperiul Habsburgic (inclusiv pichetele de graniceri din hotarul Podenilor), la unele reclamatii ale mosnenilor din Gornenti, Ciresu adresate prefectului Ion Aureliu si referitoare la unele abuzuri ale granicerilor austrieci care, "in acelu pamantu neutru, adesa-i trage si globescu pentru vitele lor". Se invoca dreptul stramosesc de proprietate, dintr-un hrisov al lui Mircea cel Batran, care prevedea hotarul localnicilor "pana in vad la Cerna", fapt confirmat si de sirul bornelor de granita pastrate pana in jurul anilor 1960-65, cand s-a dispus distrugerea lor de catre autoritatile statului, motivatia fiind in primul rand de natura politica..

Revenind la date privind factorii demografic si economic, retinem ca populatia Podenilor era, in 1945, de 1562 de locuitori, pentru ca la 1. VII. 1970, sa ajunga la 2330 locuitori, dintre care 1047 erau barbati, 41 erau salariati, 14 mestesugari necooperativizati.

In 1966, podenarii reprezentau 56 la suta din populatia intregii comune, gornentenii 30,6 la suta iar malareschenii 13,4 la suta. Agricultura locala conta pe circa 4500 ha., din care teren arabil -1492 ha., pasuni si fanete naturale -2793 ha. si vii, livezi de pomi -219 ha. ; fondul forestier dispunea de peste 2000 ha. In acelasi an, erau 408 locuinte la Podeni, 249 la Gornenti si 101 la Malarisca, alte 36 locuinte noi adaugandu-se in intervalul 1966-1970.



In 1971, sectorul zootehnic conta pe 857 bovine, 6377 ovine, 257 porcine, aproape 4000 de pasari si 93 familii de albine. Existau in comuna 5 magazine mixte, 5 scoli generale si 2 gradinite (cu 317 elevi, 58 prescolari si 18 cadre didactice), 3 camine culturale, o biblioteca sateasca, o circa sanitara cu o casa de nastere si 5 cadre sanitare.

Electrificarea comunei s-a realizat, in cea mai mare parte, incepand din anii 1972, contand, in 1990, pe 339 abonati in satul de centru, 135 in Gornenti si 102 in Malarisca. De precizat si faptul ca Podenii, cu statut de comuna administrativa, figureaza din 1864, formata, la inceput, numai din satul omonim (1864-1930,1932-1938, 1942-1950) si din satele Podeni, Gornenti si Malarisca (1931-1932, 1938-1942, 1951-1968, luna mai). In prezent, tendinta populatiei e de scadere sistematica, dupa cum rezulta din efectivele de 1894 locuitori in 1977, 1408 in 1992 si 1173 in 2002, cauzele principale fiind migratia spre oras a tineretului si precumpanirea deceselor fata de indicatorii anuali ai natalitatii.

Tinem sa mentionam, inaintea parcurgerii ultimei parti a acestei prezentari, un fapt deosebit de interesant si edificator cu privire la istoricul si al comunei Podeni, anume ca aici s-a pastrat, timp de sute de ani, un hrisov redactat la data de 20 septembrie 1459 in Cancelaria Domneasca a lui Vlad Tepes din Bucuresti. E vorba de un act de improprietarire a unui localnic podenar pe nume Andrei, impreuna cu copiii sai, act care constituie prima atestare documentara a Bucurestiului ca cetate, pe aceasta baza organizandu-se, in 1959, aniversarea a 500 de ani de la nasterea capitalei Romaniei.

Vom reproduce un prim aliniat din acel document descoperit, prin anii 1903-1904, de invatatorul Bunceanu Alexandru (originar din localitatea Nadanova, Mehedinti, dar care a functionat o vreme la scoala din Podeni) in casa gazdei sale din Podeni, proprietar al unei stravechi mosteniri, de care se lega si actul cu pricina, locul respectiv numindu-se acum Ponoarat (fostul Ponor, din hrisov): "Din mila lui dumnezeu, io, Vlad Voievod si domn si fiul marelui Vlad Voievod, stapanind si domnind peste toata tara Ugrovlahiei, Amlasului si Fagarasului herteg. A binevoit domnia mea cu a sa bunavointa, cu inima curata si luminata si am daruit acest atotcinstit si cu frumoasa fata si deasupra tuturor cinstitelor daruri, hrisovul de fata al domniei mele, lui Andrei si cu fiii sai ca sa le fie Poiana lui Stevu. Si lui Iova si lui Drag si....au sa le fie la Ponor a treia parte, care a fost a lui Sipin si a treia parte din Ponor si ocina lui Petre din Ponor, a treia parte, pentru ca au cumparat de la Petre pe 12 florini. Si domniei mele au dat un cal....." (originalul slav al actului, cu pecetea domneasca, s-a expus multa vreme la intrarea in Muzeul Orasului Bucuresti, in prezent fiind pastrat in Arhivele Academiei Romaniei).

Despre peripetiile acelui hrisov mi-a vorbit, prin anii 1960, chiar invatatorul Bunceanu Alexandru (pe atunci pensionar batran, in satul de origine), adaugand si o legenda istorica, potrivit careia, Vlad Tepes l-ar fi rasplatit pe acel Andrei din Ponor pentru faptul ca acesta i-a oferit prompt propriul cal atunci cand, in timpul unei incursiuni a lui Voda in zona de granita, calul lui a fost sagetat si ucis de granicerii unguri. Oricum, dupa identificarea hrisovului respectiv, podenarii batrani se mandreau cu faptul ca stramosii lor au eliberat "certificatul de nastere" al capitalei Romaniei, Bucuresti.




Drumurile stravechi si cele de azi, spre si dinspre satele podenarilor



Pentru locuitorii comunei Podeni cat si pentru strainii care vor sa calatoreasca spre Podeni, exista drumuri de legatura, am putea spune, catre si dinspre toate punctele cardinale.

Astfel, legatura cu Drobeta Turnu Severin se poate face pe Valea Bahnei (prin satele Bahna, Ilovita) pana la soseaua nationala Timisoara-Bucuresti, apoi de-a lungul Dunarii, prin Gura Vaii, traseu de circa 40 de kilometri; sau prin satele Ciresu, Bunaica (comuna Ciresu), peste culmea impadurita a Matoratului, prin satele Jidostita , Breznita si Magheru (comuna Breznita), traseu de 36 kilometri, ambele asfaltate doar partial dar trecand prin plaiuri la fel de pitoresti in toate anotimpurile.

Spre Baile Herculane, daca se evita ruta ocolitoare la soseaua nationala, e obligatorie traversarea Muntilor Mehedinti, care se poate realiza din satul Podeni fie pe traseul Curmatura, Nicolovat, Pietrele Vanate, Marginea , Fantana Paharnicului, Seaua Padinii, Valea Cernii (coborarea in preajma Hotelului Roman), sau prin Dealu, Bolovanu, Elca, Gradesnita, Babele, Ciucioare, Sulita, Lunca Stiubeiului, Fantana Jelarau, Crucea Alba, Coveele (cu sosirea la Hotelul Cerna). Intre Sulita (loc situat chiar pe culmea muntelui, pe unde trecea vechea granita cu Imperiul Austro-Ungar) si Fantana Jelarau, se poate utiliza si o varianta usor ocolitoare, spre sud, prin Poiana cu cabana Jelarau. Daca de-a lungul crestei muntelui se poate circula si cu mijloacele auto pe un drum forestier, coborarile spre Baile Herculane se fac doar pe poteci de picioare, cu exceptia unei traversari din extrema sudica a hotarului comunei, tot pe un drum forestier, care se desprinde din Valea Bahnei pe ogasul Topolovei pana la culmea numita Poiana Boului, de unde coboara , pe un defileu destul de abrupt, pana in localitateaToplet, langa o veche si cunoscuta pastravarie.

Gornentenii utilizeaza un traseu propriu, traversand muntele pe o poteca la fel de straveche, prin locurile numite Rotata, Balta Cerbului, coborand in Valea Cernii, la punctul numit "7 Izvoare". Ei pot utiliza o varianta si mai nordica, comuna cu a satenilor din Costesti, Prejnea, coborand pe la Moara Dracilor (e acolo chiar o moara arhaica, la baza unei minicascade), Gaura Fetii (toponim stravechi, popular, referindu-se la o mica pestera din preajma Morii Dracilor), pana in poiana de la "Kilometrul 14", de pe Valea Cernii.

Pe aceste poteci montane, adesea sapate in stancile calcaroase, furisandu-se pe sub cetina brazilor sau prin codri de fagi seculari, cu locuri de popas in preajma unor fantani cu apa rece ca gheata, au circulat, chiar si inaintea Primului Razboi Mondial, ciobanii cu turmele lor, haiduci prigoniti de potere dar mai ales munteni din satele invecinate care faceau comert clandestin cu fratii lor din Banat. Cu circa 200 de metri mai sus de Fantana Jelarau, la marginea potecii ce urca pe asa-zisul "Zgau" (defileu printre versantii muntilor), pe un bolovan masiv de calcar, se distinge inca destul de clar o inscriptionare a unui nume si a unei date din iunie 1866, considerata de batranii de alta data ca apartinand lui Voda Cuza, care ar fi trecut pe atunci muntii catre sau dinspre Baile Herculane.

Legatura cu Balta si satele acestei comune se face atat din Podeni, prin Malarisca, Curecea, Ponoral, cat si din Gornenti, prin Costesti si Prejnea, fiecare varianta nedepasind 7-8 kilometri fata de centrul Podenilor. Deosebit de interesante si semnificative sunt toponimele din aceasta zona de munte, in majoritate de origine slavona, onomastica, de asemenea particularitatile limbajului (lexic, pronuntii), acestea putnd constitui obiectul unui studiu special.




Viata culturala, cu institutiile si traditiile stravechi ( scoala si biserica, sarbatorile religioase si rituale, nuntile si nedeile etc.)



In ce priveste domeniul culturii, chiar daca, in ultima jumatate de veac, felurite "epoci" sau "campanii" au marcat evident viata oamenilor, increderea lor in institutiile de baza, pretuirea traditiilor si datinilor stramosesti n-au fost afectate in prea mare masura, simtomatica fiind mai degraba depopularea satelor (la care ne-am mai referit), subrezirea gospodariei taranesti traditionale, lipsita, in tot mai mare masura, de bratele de munca necesare cat si de un ajutor consistent din partea autoritatilor statului. Se poate spune ca scoala si biserica se bucura de un respect inca satisfacator din partea satenilor, prima ca o sansa spre o viata mai sigura si elevata a viitorilor cetateni, biserica fiindca oamenii nu si-au pierdut inca sperantele, credinta, respectul privitoare la moralitatea crestina (din pacate, cu tot mai multe exceptii).

Stimulate de modelele unor fii ai satului, din generatii mai vechi, care s-au realizat si afirmat pe plan social, cultural, si cadrele didactice de azi trudesc cu folos nu numai pentru instruirea si educarea copiilor ci si pentru a-i antrena pe acestia in organizarea unor programe artistice traditionale, agreate de satenii de toate varstele.

De fapt, continuitatea si atractivitatea acestor activitati cultural-artistice au fost posibile prin initiativele si pasiunea, in primul rand, ale intelectualilor localnici, podenari la obarsie, aspect valabil si in ce priveste cele trei biserici (Podeni, Gornenti, Malarisca) la care au slujit si slujesc preoti localnici de o exceptionala probitate profesionala. Asa se explica pastrarea traditiilor stravechi legate de sarbatorile religioase, de marile evenimente ale vietii (nasterea, nunta, moartea), de viata si munca cotidiana, petrecerea deopotriva a evenimentelor fericite sau mai putin fericite ale colectivitatii. Argumente edificatoare in acest sens pot fi deopotriva afluienta considerabila a credinciosilor la biserica in zilele de sarbatoare, a copiilor la scoala, bucuria molipsitoare a colindatorilor sau sorcovarilor din zilele Craciunului si Anului Nou, placerea cantecului si a jocului popular, agreate de toate varstele, cu prilejul nuntilor, nedeilor, botezelor, praznicilor toamnei etc.

In satele de munte inca se mai respecta datina nuntilor de trei zile, incepand de sambata seara (cu invitarea separata a nuntasilor mirelui si miresei la o cina mai sumara a "alergatorilor", vecini sau rude apropiate, care se ocupa in mod deosebit de pregatirile nuntii), continuand duminica ("adapatul" miresii, constituirea alaiului mirelui care se deplaseaza la casa miresii unde portile se deschid numai dupa rostirea "colacaseniilor", un fel de oratii de nunta ; apoi deplasarea impreuna si cu nuntasii miresii la biserica, unde se oficiaza cununia religioasa, in fine, masa mare la casa mirelui, cu muzica si daruri, petrecerea putand dura pana dupa miezul noptii) si incheindu-se luni, cu un pranz al tuturor rudelor mai apropiate, la casa miresii, muzica nelipsind nici de aceasta data.

In ce priveste nedeile, chiar daca acea parada a costumelor populare splendide, de acum 50-60 de ani, nu prea mai e la moda, ele constituie un prilej de mare bucurie pentru toate varstele, datarea fiind legata de hramul bisericii din satul respectiv: 20 iulie (Sfantul Ilie) pentru biserica din Podeni, prima zi dupa Sampetru (30 iunie) pentru biserica din Gornenti si 8 septembrie (Sfanta Maria Mica) pentru biserica din Malarisca. In zilele de nedee, fiecare gospodar isi intampina rude sau prieteni apropiati pe care ii invita la masa, pregatirea unor bucate alese cat si curatenia locuintelor asigurandu-se cu mai multe zile inainte. Grupuri de lautari sau alti instrumentisti si cantareti asigura ambianta muzicala pentru ca petrecerea sa fie deplina. Dupa pranz, sau mai spre seara, se incinge hora satului unde voia buna, chiuiturile nu contenesc pana tarziu in noapte, tinerii, dupa moda mai noua, preferand, de la o vreme, sa se retraga in discoteci (oarecum dezagreabile pentru taranii mai varstnici care le considera o denaturare a traditiei folclorice).




Traditii si datini mioritice. Masuratul oilor



Stravechi si deopotriva pitoresc ramane ritualul numit "masuratul oilor", primavara, de regula dupa Sfantul Gheorghe (23 aprilie), cand gospodarii isi retrag cioporasele proprii de la conacele unde au iernat, procedand la intocmirea stanelor, pentru care , din timp, se inteleg si isi construiesc, sus la munte, mai intai strungile si colibele viitorilor baci si ciobani. Obiceiul e specific muntenilor, pentru care oieritul a fost o preocupare esentiala dintotdeauna, un mijloc de existenta deopotriva aspru si pitoresc. Fascinant si deopotriva emotionant e spectacolul zilelor masuratului oilor cand, dinspre conace, "de la camp" (cum zic podenarii), zeci de ciopoare, mai mari sau mai mici, urca spre munte, indemnate de gospodarii grijulii, primeniti si incarcati cu galeti, gateluri alese (inclusiv oua rosii, cozonaci si prajituri, tuica de pruna si vin).

Oile zbiara aproape neintrerupt dupa mieii opriti de la supt inca din ziua anterioara, pentru ca pulpele oilor sa fie cat mai pline deoarece sus, la strunga din munte, dupa ce fiecare proprietar isi mulge oile lui, se va proceda la masurarea laptelui obtinut de fiecare si, in functie de cantitatea acestuia, se va face clasamentul "bacilor" (baciul mare, al doilea etc) ;



Masurarea laptelui se va face pentru toti spregasii cu aceeasi unitate de masura (o galeata stas sau cantare pe ocale si litre etc) de catre un fel de comisie improvizata ad-hoc, in vazul tuturor, si, in functie de numarul de galeti stabilit la pozitia fiecarui gospodar, se vor prelua, pe rand, pe tot timpul verii, cantitatile de lapte cuvenite pana la inceputul toamnei, cand spregasii se vor reintalni cu totii la "alesul oilor". Se va constata atunci, in functie de cantitatea de lapte obtinuta pe cap de oaie sau capra, care gospodar si-a iernat si intretinut mai bine vitele, pana la constituirea stanelor .

Impreunarea oilor, intr-o singura turma, presupune si o serie de aranjamente privind angajarea ciobanilor de permanenta sau cu schimbul, plata acestora, ordinea bacilor in preluarea laptelui din care se va face branza pentru nevoile casei sau pentru vanzare, asigurarea cu caini care sa insoteasca permanent turma. .In fine, pe poiana din preajma strungii si stanii, gospodinele intind fete de mese inflorate pe care aseaza bucatele gatite acasa, care mai de care mai ademenitoare, baciul mare (sau un cioban mai prestant) rosteste o rugaciune pentru norocul, sanatatea stanii si a bacilor, ureaza fericire tuturor si "sloboade" masa. E de datoria baciului mare, asezat, dupa datina, in capul sirului de mese, sa treaca pe la fiecare gospodar si sa noroceasca cu acestia, de regula fiind nelipsiti si niscaiva muzicanti care sa implineasca petrecerea. Primii care se vor scula de la masa vor fi ciobanii, ca sa plece cu stana la pasunat, nu inainte de a le pune fiecare gospodar bucate de la masa in niste sacuie sau traistute anume pregatite. Masa copioasa, la iarba verde, nu poate dura prea mult fiindca oamenii trebuie sa coboare in sat pe lumina iar primul baci trebuie sa pregateasca cele necesare pentru prima mulsoare pe care o ia de la oi ,seara, si pentru hrana ciobanilor.

« Mersul" (soarta) stanii si productia de lapte vor depinde de acum de priceperea ciobanilor, sanatatea si hrana, ingrijirea oilor, calitatea pasunilor, paza de lupi, care adesea pot sa atace turmele nu numai noaptea ci si in plina zi. Daca stanii ii merge bine, toamna, la "alesul oilor" , toata lumea va fi multumita. Daca, insa, iese branza putina (de regula fiecarui spregas ii vine randul sa ia de 5-6 ori laptele pe toata periada) sau se constata lipsa unor mioare, din neglijenta ciobanilor, atunci vor putea sa apara nemultumiri si chiar conflicte dezagreabile, ceea ce nu e de dorit pentru nimeni.




Repere, obiective si perspective turistice



Pentru calatorii sau turistii dornici sa cunoasca mai bine si aceste sate si locuri de munte, surprize agreabile si numeroase li se pot oferi, in primul rand, prin potentialul turistic al zonei, incepand chiar cu peisajul mirific, de o mare diversitate si frumusete, indiferent de anotimpul preferat. Dupa cum se stie, Muntii Mehedintilor se incadreaza, aproape in totalitate, in marea Rezervatie Naturala Domogled- Portile de Fier, dispunand de o flora si o fauna de o mare varietate, cu anumite specii unice pe plan national si chiar european. Din pacate, acestea sunt in mai mica masura cercetate si puse in valoare in ultimii ani, aspect valabil si pentru fenomenele carstice, multimea pesterilor de pe ambi versanti, cu tainitele lor subterane, despre care, prin anii 1956-1957, reputatul speolog Valeriu Puscariu (membru al Academiei si presedinte, pe atunci, al Comisiei pentru Protectia Monumentelor Naturii) imi vorbea cu uimire si incantare.



Urmand un drum forestier, de-a lungul coamei muntelui, fie si numai pe o portiune limitata, dintre Poiana Boului si Rotata sau Balta Cerbului, dar mai ales pasind pe poteca granicereasca straveche ce atinge toate piscurile, calatorului i se va oferi privelistea panoramica a unei naturi fascinante atat prin larga deschidere spre toate punctele cardinale cat si prin conformatia reliefului si coloristica peisajului, in care se incadreaza, deopotriva, semetia Parangului, inzapezit adesea pana primavara tarziu, curbura larga a Dunarii, in amonte si aval de Drobeta Turnu Severin, intregul hotar al satelor Podenilor dar si varfurile impadurite ale Muntilor Cernii, derulandu-se haotic, spre sud, sub un voal usor de ceata , pana in preajma Orsovei si a Cazanelor, iar spre nord, pana dincolo de izvoarele Cernii si Piatra Closanilor.



Stravechea asezare a Macanilor, de sub Piatra Camenii, pestera din acelasi colos de calcar ca si cea de la Ciucioare (despre care se tot spunea ca ascund comori protejate de fiinte monstruoase), sau de la Curecea, la hotarul cu Balta ( prin care, in anii tineretii, eu scurtam drumul dintre luncile Curecii si Ponoralului, evitand astfel si traversarea anevoioasa a cornetului inalt de deasupra), de la Cusacu (la hotarul cu satul Jupanesti, in imediata apropiere a complexului de pesteri de la Epuran si Topolnita etc.), toate acestea pot fi tot atatea tinte pentru un indragostit de miracolele si splendorile naturii.



Arhitectura caselor, a conacelor din zona, ritualul milenar al transhumantei (cu masuratul si alesul oilor, viata solitara si cu o evidenta doza de arhaicitate a ciobanilor, sihastriti in munti de primavara pana toamna, bacitul la stana), clacile femeilor in noptile tarzii si lungi de toamna, sansa unor trasee excelente pentru schiorii coboratori sau marsaluitori pasionati de sporturile hibernale sunt de asemenea motivatii plauzibile pentru eventuale cercetari, studii dar si expeditii turistice memorabile, mai ales daca avem in vederea si firea sensibila, vrednicia, omenia si ospitalitatea traditionala a oamenilor de la munte.




Virtuti artistice ale podenarilor, valente folclorice. Reputatul si regretatul artist Constantin Gherghina, fiu al Podenilor



Pe asemenea plaiuri mioritice si cu asemenea oameni a fost firesc sa se nasca si doinele, baladele, legendele si povestile care au incantat adesea nu numai pe localnici ci si pe cercetatorii folclorului local, specialisti sau simpli voiajori de aiurea, uimiti de harul artistic atat al creatorilor cat si al interpretilor cantecului sau jocului popular. Petrecerile de la nunti, boteze, nedei, felurite alte sarbatori, programele artistice pregatite de cadrele didactice cu elevii sau tinerii din sate au fost, de regula, prilejurile cele mai potrivite pentru dezvaluirea farmecului folclorului muzical-coregrafic, etalarea frumusetii costumelor populare, cu numeroase trasaturi specifice acestei zone de munte, invecinate cu Banatul.

De exemplu, cu mai multe decenii in urma, in anii copilariei mele, in fiecare din cele trei zile ale sarbatorii Pastelui, in satul de centru, Podeni, in spatiul larg din fata primariei, incepand de la amiaza, se incingea hora pana tarziu in noapte, culminatia petrecerii fiind insa abia in ultima zi, cand fetele si nevestele imbracau cele mai frumoase si originale costume populare, spre admiratia mai ales a varstnicilor, asezati pe bancile din preajma horei. Podenarii si gornentenii au avut totdeauna famfare locale care, la sarbatori, isi incepeau programul cu doine, cantece de petrecere (pana cand se adunau mai multi oameni), dupa care flacaii (si nu numai ei) comandau si plateau horele preferate (hora batuta, boiereasca, ardeleanca, sarba etc), uneori starnindu-se si conflicte spontane pentru prioritatea "jocului inainte" (fiindca un singur jucator trebuia sa conduca hora) sau din pricina celor ce cautau sa "rupa hora", sabotandu-l pe conducatorul horei.

De remarcat faptul ca din comuna Podeni (respectiv satul Gornenti) a descins, in sferele inalte ale artei muzicale, regretatul Constantin Gherghina, celebru trompetist, care a dus faima cantecului popular romanesc nu numai in Europa ci chiar dincolo de Oceanul Atlantic, cand a facut parte din nu mai putin celebra orchestra condusa de naistul Gheorghe Zamfir. Mi-a fost nu numai consatean ci si elev la scoala din Podeni, i-am urmarit apoi, peste ani, ascensiunea artistica spectaculoasa si consider ca, alaturi de Angelica Stoican, o alta remarcabila artista (care a functionat un timp ca educatoare si in satul Gornenti), profesorul si artistul Constantin Gherghina a izbutit sa dezvaluie nu numai farmecul ci si specificul, originalitatea cantecului, a jocului popular din zona de munte a Mehedintiului.

De fapt, in aceste locuri pot fi inca intalniti oameni simpli, ciobani doinitori din fluier, femei sau barbati care canta "in postata" (la sapatul porumbului, la secerat), la claci ori pe scenele caminelor culturale, alteori jelindu-si mortii prin cimitire, in toate aceste ipostaze fiind vorba deopotriva de mostenirea unor traditii stravechi dar si de harul artistic inascut care l-a entuziasmat candva si pe poetul Vasile Alecsandri, determinandu-l sa exclame ca "Romanul s-a nascut poet !".



Voi exemplifica, fie si numai cu cateva versuri, diversitatea tematica si frumusetea cantecelor populare culese de la oameni simpli din Podeni ( unele chiar de la mama mea, Vladica Stana), continutul acestora fiind strans legat de viata si trairile interioare ale unor fiinte de mare sensibilitate si noblete sufleteasca, inzestrate si cu harul artistic care nu s-a bazat , de regula, pe un bagaj cultural cultivat in scoli sau prin contactul cu niscaiva personalitati erudite..

« Foaie verde trei alune,/ S-a dus soarele sa jure / Ca nu-i dragoste pe lume./ Insa luna ce zicea ?/ -Stai tu, soare, nu jura/ Ca nu sti ce-i dragostea. / Tu rasai de dimineata/ Si apui seara pe ceata,/ Eu rasar la miez de noapte/ Si stiu dragostea ce poate...". Sau : "-Padurice, padurea, / Lasa-ma la umbra ta / Pe mine si pe neica. /-Nu te las la umbra mea / C-ai pe mandra tinerea / Si faci pacate cu ea./ -Padure, soro padure, / Sa nu ma mai spui la lume / C-am varat o vara-n tine / Cu-al meu neica langa mine....". "Foaie verde maracine, / Ce-o avea lumea cu mine ?/ Eu nu-i fac nici rau, nici bine./ Mancarea nu ei mi-o dau, / Beutura nu le-o beau, / Numai pe neica il iau. / Eu de neica nu ma las / De mi-ar da drumul de-acas. / De mi-ar da drumul in lume, / Pe neica il iau cu mine...." . "Frunza verde foi de nuc, / Mai am o zi si ma duc. / Eu ma duc, codrul ramane, / Plange frunza dupa mine. / Plange frunza si iarba, / Si sarmana mama mea...". "Imparate, imparate, / Lasa-te de-a te mai bate / Ca-ti pierzi catanele toate. / Isi plang maicili feciorii, / Nevestele sotiorii, / Surorile fratiorii..."... "Auzi, mama, cainii bat, / Petitorii intra-n sat. / Fa, mama, placinte moi / Ca sa vina si la noi. / Da-le, mama, beutura / Ca sa nu ma caute-n gura, / Ca un an daca mai trece, / Sunt de patruzeci si zece...". Mandruta care-i mandruta, / Vine la barbat desculta, / Dar care e blestemata, / Nu vine nici incaltata...". Bradule, bradule, / Cin’ ti-o porancit / De ai doborat / De la locul tau / Aici la al rau ? / Ion m-o porancit / De am doborat / Ca sa sa umbreasca, / Sa nu putrazasca...".




In ciuda unui prezent cu inerente dificultati, podenarii privesc totusi cu optimism spre viitor



Podenarii au avut dintotdeauna reputatia unor oameni vrednici, prietenosi si ospitalieri, legati afectiv de locurile de bastina si de stravechile traditii pe care le-au pastrat cu sfintenie, in ciuda multor momente de rastriste cu care s-au confruntat de-a lungul timpului. O anumita doza de optimism, de incredere in sansa prosperitatii i-a insufletit insa de fiecare data cand s-a pus problema intreprinderii unor actiuni obstesti benefice, asa cum au fost, in ultimele 5-6 decenii, construirea unor noi localuri pentru scoala din satul de centru, pentru caminele culturale din fiecare sat, electrificarea, drumul de acces pe Valea Bahnei, alimentarea cu apa a satului Podeni, construirea unui releu pentru retransmisia programelor televiziunii nationale, la toate acestea un rol esential avandu-l si autoritatile locale, factorii de raspundere de la conducerea fostului raion Turnu Severin sau a actualului judet Mehedinti.

Podenarii isi fac insa planuri si pentru viitor. Astfel, anumiti sateni, cu case spatioase, confortabile si gospodarii bine chibzuite, se gandesc ca ar putea deveni gazde amabile pentru potentiali turisti, dornici sa cunoasca si aceste meleaguri, de unde si-ar putea continua apoi calatoriile catre Baile Herculane, Valea Cernii, lantul Muntilor Mehedinti sau catre pestera Topolnita (una dintre cele mai lungi si spectaculoase din tara), manastirile Vodita, Schitul Topolnitei sau Tismana. Pentru aceasta s-ar impune insa continuarea modernizarii drumului de acces pe Valea Bahnei (cu portiunea dintre Ciresu si Podeni, investitie abandonata dupa 1990), refacerea drumurilor forestiere din zona de munte, a cabanelor Jelarau si Seaua Padinii, deopotriva utile si pentru eventualii turisti care ar parcurge splendidele trasee ce leaga Baile Herculane de Podeni (autentica poarta naturala spre meleagurile mehedintene si oltenesti).

Pe de alta parte, tot in zona de munte din hotarul Podenilor, s-ar putea amenaja partii excelente pentru schiori, locuri de popas pentru turisti, spatii pretabile pentru vanatorii pasionati, existand si un mai vechi proiect de construire a unui teleferic din Baile Herculane pana in preajma Muntelui Domogled, din imediata apropiere a acestei vestite statiuni balneare.

Pe perioada vacantelor, in cele doua localuri (destul de spatioase) ale scolii de centru, ar putea functiona o tabara scolara pentru elevii din judet sau din tara, existand, in acest sens, si precedentul functionarii, cu mai multi ani in urma, a unei baze de cazare pentru elevii excursionisti din alte zone ale judetului sau ale tarii, scoala dispunand si de internat cu cantina, alimentarea cu apa, o baza sportiva etc. In fine, pentru satele Gornenti si Malarisca ramane de rezolvat problema alimentarii cu apa potabila, in timp ce pentru podenarii de la centrul de comuna, un obiectiv major il constituie terminarea noului local al bisericii, resursele banesti, pe plan local, fiind inca mult prea modeste.













Mentiune: Schita monografica a comunei Podeni a fost realizata de profesorul Vladica Florian (fiu al acestor locuri) si profesoara Vladica Ana, in prezent pensionari, domiciliati in Drobeta Turnu Severin



ana.vladica@xnet.ro


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